2015年6月30日 星期二

習握手的可能意義




特區經歷了商人治港、公務員治港、黨人治港,似乎並不怎樣成功。中共在雨傘運動後選擇財經官員治港,未為不行。
曾俊華與梁振英的管治理念南轅北轍,與梁振英貌合神離。習近平若真的以他接任,港人會當為“要求梁振英下台”的回應。這可能是一舉兩得的做法。
在政改被否決後,中共會否對香港進行報復,放棄香港,推動強硬路線,是值得關注的事。政改後,梁振英一改其以往的好戰作風,主動與泛民修好。這可能是中共的後政改策略 懷柔政策。
從今屆政府只餘下兩年時間來看,梁振英大概只能,「未來兩年,特區政府會致力做好各項政策工作,集中精力,發展經濟,改善民生。」泛民又似乎樂於入甕。若真如是,專注經濟的曾俊華會是一個好的接班人。
曾與曾俊華共事的一位朋友對他的評價是:「謙謙君子,不懂財經,但自知能力低,所以沒有什麼野心。」在蜀中無大將,廖化當先鋒的年代,什麼事都可能。而且,曾俊華有良好的政治表達能力。看看他的網誌,可略見其一斑。
祝福香港
今次事件,是對全香港人一次重大的考驗,必須要依靠大家的智慧和耐性好好處理。我希望每一位有參與今次運動的朋友,無論是支持佔中或者反對佔中,在決定你們的每一個行動、每一句說話之前,都記着你們的舉措可能關係這個城市和所有香港人的命運,願你們能夠一切以香港為念。
2014105
身在美國
學生的訴求可以理解,也得到一些市民的認同,但社會上同樣有一些市民認為必須尊重人大常委的決定,先落實「一人一票」選舉行政長官。
所以我們不應視不同意見人士為敵人,反而應該爭取他們支持,視他們為合作夥伴,否則政制發展永遠不能向前走。
示威同學已經成功地透過佔領幹道,把他們的信念和信息深深地刻劃在每個香港人的腦海,包括與他們意見不同的香港人。我認為他們是時候離開街道。
20141012
勇敢抉擇
後日,學生代表會與政改三人組展開對話。---
我也曾經年輕,參與過不同類型的學生運動,完全了解在金鐘留守的同學們,面對其他示威者、傳媒、香港社會甚至全世界的注視,他們承受的壓力難以想像。
撤離不是一個容易的決定,需要很大的勇氣,但我仍然相信,你們能夠在關鍵時刻,鼓起勇氣作出正確的抉擇。
20141019

2015年6月29日 星期一

中國的販賣人口





人民日報 》在629日報導,「近日,微信朋友圈一則支援人販子全部判處死刑的帖子被大量轉發,並配以“是媽媽就轉”“死刑立即執行”“不求點贊只求擴散”等醒目字眼,很多線民表態支持修改刑法有關條款。」
公安部在去年5月也曾回應北京地鐵內懷疑嬰兒被拐事件,當日一位身穿花格襯衫、膚色黝黑的中年女子,布袋裹著一個幾個月大,膚色較白、長相惹人愛的嬰兒,被網友疑為被拐兒童,並上載圖片。該資訊被大量網友轉發。資訊稱“已證實,千真萬確,這個孩子是被拐走的。速速轉發出去,解救孩子,利用微信的力量幫助他。”後經北京公安找到該婦女,以DNA比對證實是親生。由此看來,中國的販賣人口活動,已發展至草本皆兵的地步。

現狀

據《 人民日報 629文章報導,20094月部署開展打拐專項行動至20117月,兩年多時間,全國共破獲拐賣婦女兒童案件39,194起,其中拐賣兒童案件8,717起,共打掉4,885個犯罪團夥,刑事拘留3,3831人,解救被拐賣兒童1,4613人。去年發佈的《2013年中國人權事業的進展》白皮書指出,國家制定實施《中國反對拐賣人口行動計畫(20132020年)》。2013年,全國共偵破拐賣婦女案件5,126起、拐賣兒童案件2,765起;利用全國公安機關打拐DNA資訊系統為631名兒童找到親生父母。今年剛發佈的《2014年中國人權事業的進展》白皮書指出,2014年,各級人民法院審結拐賣婦女兒童、性侵未成年人犯罪案件1,048件,其中判處5年以上有期徒刑至死刑876人。

中國反對拐賣人口行動計畫(20132020年)

該文件是國務院辦公廳201332日發佈。其行動措施為:
1)加強部門聯動。
2)加強拐賣人口犯罪活動重點行業、重點地區和重點人群預防犯罪工作。
3)加大拐賣人口犯罪“買方市場”整治力度,在收買人口犯罪活動高發地區開展綜合治理,從源頭上減少拐賣人口犯罪的發生。
4)進一步做好跨國拐賣人口犯罪預防工作。

文件的“加強”、“加大”、“進一步”等字眼令人生厭,但文件談到的“買方市場”和“跨國拐賣人口”等值得注意。《 人民日報 》文章也承認:「由於存在買方需求和貧困等原因,拐賣兒童犯罪屢打不絕。」事實上,這反映在原有刑法之中,“收買被拐賣的婦女、兒童,按照被買婦女的意願,不阻礙其返回原居住地的,對被買兒童沒有虐待行為,不阻礙對其進行解救的,可以不追究刑事責任。”這條刑法現進行修改。

跨國拐賣人口

人販子除了賣出人口外,還有買入人口。《法制晚報》今年213日文章表示:「警方破獲一起特大跨國拐賣緬甸籍婦女案,打掉犯罪團伙4個,抓獲犯罪嫌疑人37名,解救緬甸籍被拐婦女兒童177名。人販子以務工名義拐騙緬甸籍婦女到雲南,隨後以5萬至8萬元不等的價格賣至河南平頂山、山東臨沂等地的偏遠農村。」

後記

販賣人口,喪盡天良,令人髮指。在一個沒有法治、資訊被封鎖、朝野腐敗的國度,人的價值必然很低。在貧窮社區沒有什麼可盜賣的時候,人肉直接地被買賣。其實,對付這些罪惡,新聞自由往往比嚴刑峻罰更為有效。

2015年6月28日 星期日

民主萬歲: 從同性婚姻合法化看權利學說

民主萬歲: 從同性婚姻合法化看權利學說: 美國最高法院裁定同性婚姻合法化,其判詞解釋法律隨社會而變。在 20 世紀後期,同性伴侶開始更公開地生活,並建立家庭。這種發展受到廣泛關注,令公眾更加寬容。如此一來,關於同性戀者的權利問題便帶進法庭。 In the late 20th century, following...

從同性婚姻合法化看權利學說


美國最高法院裁定同性婚姻合法化,其判詞解釋法律隨社會而變。在20世紀後期,同性伴侶開始更公開地生活,並建立家庭。這種發展受到廣泛關注,令公眾更加寬容。如此一來,關於同性戀者的權利問題便帶進法庭。
In the late 20th century, following substantial cultural and political developments, same-sex couples began to lead more open and public lives and to establish families. This development was followed by a quite extensive discussion of the issue in both governmental and private sectors and by a shift in public attitudes toward greater tolerance. As a result, questions about the rights of gays and lesbians soon reached the courts, where the issue could be discussed in the formal discourse of the law.
事實上,新思維揭示,不合理和不平等可能長期隱藏在制度中不受注意和挑戰。
Indeed, recognizing that new insights and societal understandings can reveal unjustified inequality within fundamental institutions that once passed unnoticed and unchallenged.
法庭解釋憲法的義務是識別和保護這些基本權利。這一責任不應以簡單公式來敷衍。
The identification and protection of fundamental rights is an enduring part of the judicial duty to interpret the Constitution. That responsibility, however, “has not been reduced to any formula.”
第十四條修正案要求美國公民享有同樣的法律保障,而美國已有一些州允許同性婚姻。人們可以選擇在不同的州結婚,其他的州不能否認另一州的合法婚姻。
The Fourteenth Amendment requires States to recognize same-sex marriages validly performed out of State. Since same-sex couples may now exercise the fundamental right to marry in all States, there is no lawful basis for a State to refuse to recognize a lawful same-sex marriage performed in another State on the ground of its same-sex character.
第十四條修正案的“適當法律程序條款,指各法院未經“適當法律程序”,不得禠奪公民的權利,包括對其個人身份認同和信仰的選擇,在這過程中,個人尊嚴和自主權應當受到尊重。
The fundamental liberties protected by the Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause extend to certain personal choices central to individual dignity and autonomy, including intimate choices defining personal identity and beliefs.
第十四條修訂案(第一款)
Section 1.
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
第一款:任何州,如未經適當法律程序,均不得拒絕給予其公民平等的法律保護。

事實上,今次判決的基石是維護婚姻制度。判詞的結尾為:「沒有任何聯繫是比婚姻更深刻,因為它體現了愛情,忠誠,奉獻,犧牲和家庭的最高理想。把同性婚姻的鼓吹者說成不尊重婚姻是錯誤的。他們尊重如此之深,也希望結婚 這一最古老的制度。他們要求在法律面前平等的尊嚴。憲法賦予他們的權利。因此上訴第六巡迴法院的判決被推翻。
No union is more profound than marriage, for it embodies the highest ideals of love, fidelity, devotion, sacrifice, and family. In forming a marital union, two people become something greater than once they were. As some of the petitioners in these cases demonstrate, marriage embodies a love that may endure even past death. It would misunderstand these men and women to say they disrespect the idea of marriage. Their plea is that they do respect it, respect it so deeply that they seek to find its fulfillment for themselves. Their hope is not to be condemned to live in loneliness, excluded from one of civilization’s oldest institutions. They ask for equal dignity in the eyes of the law. The Constitution grants them that right. The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit is reversed.
It is so ordered.
判決的四項原則
四項原則對同性或異性婚姻同效。
Four principles and traditions demonstrate that the reasons marriage is fundamental under the Constitution apply with equal force to same-sex couples.
第一個原則是結婚關乎個人的選擇權利,它來源於個人自主。婚姻與自由之間的這種聯繫解釋了異族可以聯婚和愛情的意義。同道理,性取向是個人選擇。
The first premise of this Court’s relevant precedents is that the right to personal choice regarding marriage is inherent in the concept of individual autonomy. This abiding connection between marriage and liberty is why Loving invalidated inter racial marriage bans under the Due Process Clause. Decisions about marriage are among the most intimate that an individual can make. This is true for all persons, whatever their sexual orientation.
法院的判決的第二個原則是締造親密聯係是基本人權。此一原則體現在,已婚夫婦使用避孕措施的憲法權利。同性伴侶和異性伴侣同樣享有親密關係的權利。
A second principle in this Court’s jurisprudence is that the right to marry is fundamental because it supports a two-person union unlike any other in its importance to the committed individuals. The intimate association protected by this right was central to Griswold v Connecticut, which held the Constitution protects the right of married couples to use contraception, and was acknowledged in Turner, supra, at 95. Same-sex couples have the same right as opposite-sex couples to enjoy intimate association, a right extending beyond mere freedom from laws making same-sex intimacy a criminal offense.
第三個原則是保障兒童。結婚的權利同時包括生育,養育,教育的相關權利。非婚子女會受苦和受到標籤。他們的社會福利得不到保障。
這並不意味不準備生育的結婚的意義較少。一對夫妻有不生育的權利,所以結婚的權利不包括生育的承諾。
A third basis for protecting the right to marry is that it safeguards children and families and thus draws meaning from related rights of childrearing, procreation, and education. Without the recognition, stability, and predictability marriage offers, children suffer the stigma of knowing their families are somehow lesser. They also suffer the significant material costs of being raised by unmarried parents, relegated to a more difficult and uncertain family life. The marriage laws at issue thus harm and humiliate the children of same-sex couples. This does not mean that the right to marry is less meaningful for those who do not or cannot have children. Precedent protects the right of a married couple not to procreate, so the right to marry cannot be conditioned on the capacity or commitment to procreate.
最後,法院表明,婚姻是社會秩序的基石。國家已通過將法律將婚姻視為的社會及法律秩序的基本特徵。這與同性或異性的婚姻無關,因此排斥同性婚姻貶低了國家的這一基本制度的價值。同性伴侶同樣嚮往婚姻帶來的美滿關係。
Finally, this Court’s cases and the Nation’s traditions make clear that marriage is a keystone of the Nation’s social order. States have contributed to the fundamental character of marriage by placing it at the center of many facets of the legal and social order. There is no difference between same- and opposite-sex couples with respect to this principle, yet same-sex couples are denied the constellation of benefits that the States have linked to marriage and are consigned to an instability many opposite-sex couples would find intolerable. It is demeaning to lock same-sex couples out of a central institution of the Nation’s society, for they too may aspire to the transcendent purposes of marriage.
後記
美國最高法院的同性婚姻合法化在某種意義上,強化了美國核心價值 婚姻。光明社所持的反對理由,表現出其知識水平低,讀不懂判詞。美國最高法院表明,隨著同性伴侣在美國的普及和某些州已通過合法化,在第14條修正案下,它無法不進行裁決。
美國最高法院在判決時,觸及了香港終審法院審理w小姐案的一些法律觀點 「因為要生育的原因,所以擁有異性戀性交的能力,是婚姻中必不可少的元素」和常任法官陳兆愷頒發的異議判詞:「若本院援引這項權力的話,便相當於就社會議題訂立新政策,這會帶來長遠後果,必需經過公眾諮詢才能作出。這並非本院的職責。」
美國最高法院在判決的第三原則表示,「所以結婚的權利,不能與生兒育女的能力或承諾,扯在一起。----so the right to marry cannot be conditioned on the capacity or commitment to procreate.」美國最高法院也認為,在觸及一些憲法權利時,法庭不能以簡單程式處理,而有義務是識別這些基本權利,因為,它們很多時在傳統制度中被忽視。「unjustified inequality within fundamental institutions that once passed unnoticed and unchallenged. ----- That responsibility, however, “has not been reduced to any formula.”------
美國最高法院也解釋社會活動與法律的關係 ─  由於美國同性伴侣的活動公開法,改變了社會態度和最終迫使法院介入。

總的來說,今次判決清楚地表現了美國所崇尚的個人價值。無怪乎,奧巴馬在得知判決後說,「愛就是愛,這是美國的勝利。」以及,白宮以彩虹歡呼。

2015年6月27日 星期六

我們為何發佈人權報告

Why We Issue the Human Rights Reports

Today, Secretary Kerry will release the State Department’s 39th annual Human Rights Reports, a comprehensive review of human rights conditions in 199 countries and territories around the world.  Mandated by Congress, these reports are the United States’ factual and authoritative statement on the progress of international human rights and the most widely read document issued by the State Department.
今天,美國國務卿克里將發佈國務院第39號“國別人權報告”,對199個國家和地方的人權狀況進行全面審視。在美國國會授權下,這些報告是在廣泛閱讀國務院文檔後,美國對國際人權進展的事實陳述和權威說法。

The Human Rights Reports detail the violence and abuse suffered both at the hands of governments and of non-state actors by people all over the world.  In some cases, as a result of civil society groups and sustained international pressure, conditions have changed for the better.  Yet in others, human rights violations continue unchecked or have worsened.
“國別人權報告”詳細羅列世界各國人民受政府或非政府行為下的暴力和虐待。在某些情況裡,由於民間社會和持續國際壓力的努力,情況有所改善。然而在其他情況裡,侵犯人權的行為仍然繼續,甚至惡化。
We issue these reports to underscore America’s commitment to the protection and advancement of human rights. We use the reports to shape American foreign policy, including our determination and allocation of foreign aid and security sector assistance. But they are not just an annual bureaucratic gesture. Rather, the reports serve as our moral baseline. With them, we say, these are the values and principles for which the U.S. stands; these are the universally recognized human rights of all people. The reports also help promote awareness of the human rights abuses and violations committed over the past year and they identify where and when human rights are well protected.

我們發佈這份報告,是為了強調美國致力於促進人權。我們運用這份報告來制訂美國的外交政策,包括我們對國外人道和安全援助撥款。這並非一個每年一度的官僚姿態。報告是我們的道德底線。有了它,我們會說,這些代表美國的價值觀和原則;這些是世人公認的普世價值。報告有助於提醒我們,在過去一年發生的侵犯人權事件,和確定那時那地,人權得到保護。
Sometimes we have to work with governments with which we disagree: the truth is that these are tough issues; there’s no single approach or remedy, and change does not happen in the span of a few news cycles. But we must and do press for change because our hopes for peace, security and prosperity depend on respect for human rights.  With the human rights reports, we make it clear that this is the standard toward which we as an international community must strive.
有時候,我們必須與某些政府合作,即使我們不同意它的作法:這是棘手的事情;它沒有簡單的做法,需要巨大努力。但我們必須不斷施以壓力,因為和平,安全和繁榮取決於人權得到尊重。隨著人權報告的發佈,我們清楚地表明,這是我們作為一個國際社會必須堅持的準則。
We also issue the reports to provide a voice for the voiceless. Most people are familiar with the human rights abuses that make headlines, and when you scan the headlines—from Syria to Russia—it is clear the 2014 was a tough year for human rights. But as the reports reveal, there are many more human rights abuses that do not make headlines. We have an obligation to ensure that these abuses are not buried, that these people are not forgotten, and that violators of human rights will be held accountable for their crimes.

我們發佈報告,是為無聲者發聲。我們都熟悉一些昭然若揭的侵犯人權事件,它們都成了頭條新聞 從敘利亞到俄羅斯 。顯然地,2014年是人權艱難的一年。報告同時顯示,有更多的侵犯人權得不到注視。我們有責任確保這些事件不被湮沒,受害者沒有被遺忘,侵犯人權者被追究負責。

And as we issue these reports, we recognize that American history, too, has been marked by human rights failings. The United States does not speak from a position of arrogance or self-righteousness. As President Obama explained last week, “America never makes a claim about being perfect. We do make a claim about being open to change… It’s precisely because we’re imperfect that we believe it’s appropriate for us to stand up.” We speak, in short, from knowledge of our own history and our own struggle for progress. As President Obama added, “When Dr. King was in jail, people outside the United States spoke up on his behalf. And I would be betraying our history if I did not do the same.”

當我們發佈這些報告時,我們意識到,在美國歷史上,也有人權的缺陷。美國不會傲慢或自以為是地說話。正如奧巴馬總統上週解釋,“美國從未自許完美無缺。我們承諾開放和改變.....這恰恰是因為我們不完美,我們相信改變可以幫助我們強大。”簡言之,我們從自己的歷史教訓和為奮發進步而說話。正如奧巴馬總統補充說,“當馬丁‧路德金博士在監獄裡,外國人為他說話。如果我沒有同樣地做,我會背叛了我們的歷史。”
The true test of a nation’s commitment to human rights is not whether problems exist but whether its laws and institutions allow those problems to be solved. We issue the human rights reports with the hope that government, civil society leaders, activists, and citizens will reflect on the state of human rights in their respective nations and on how we can work together to further the protection of human rights for all people in all cultures and all communities.
一個國家的人權承諾得到考驗,不是有否濫權存在,而是它的法律和制度是否容許問題得到解決。我們發出人權報告,希望各地政府,社會領袖,社會活動家和其公民將人權問題反映在其各自的國家內。我們可以共同努力,為所有的文明,所有社會,促進人權。

譯後記
正當美國國務院解釋為何每年撰寫“國別人權報告”之際。中國國務院新聞辦公室26日發表《2014年美國的人權紀錄》,回應美國政府發佈的“國別人權報告”。
中國國務院新聞辦公室說:「人權紀錄說,美國國務院於當地時間625日再次發佈國別人權報告,對世界許多國家人權狀況評頭論足,而偏偏對自己糟糕的人權紀錄,毫無反省改進之意。大量事實證明,2014年,以“人權衛士”自居的美國,舊有人權問題未見改善,新的人權問題不斷出現,自身人權狀況更加堪憂,侵犯他國人權更加肆無忌憚,在國際人權場合被亮更多“紅牌”。」

姑且不論事實的陳述是否正確,兩者的境界躍然紙上。