Five years of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment
"Always" 2
Cover, title page, illustration, copyright page 5
"Always 2 Catalog" 6
Saying Shanqing 11
Liu Shanqing Resume 11
A Shui Leng Yi Shan Qing 12
Mo Zhaoru Impression of Mountain Green 13
Liang Guoxiong Heavy to the Sun 14
Wu Xuanren forged a person 15
Gan Haowang “Who is our enemy and who is our friend.”17
Liang Yaozhong The Liu Shanqing I Know 19
Suspect arrested 21
The First Aid Society "The Great Missing" 21
"People" Hong Kong youth suspected of being illegally detained by the CCP? twenty three
chasing whereabouts 25
Chief Secretary's Office One of the Government's Replies (English and Chinese translation) 25
Chief Secretary's Office Government Reply No. 2 (English and Chinese translation) 26
rescue operation 27
Public Statement on the Liu Shanqing Incident 27
Joint Statement 28
Please help a person who has been unreasonably detained 29
People Ads 29
Express Ads 30
Appeal to all citizens of Hong Kong 32
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee Press Release 33
Open letter protesting the first anniversary of Liu Shanqing's unreasonable imprisonment 34
Letter to Foreign Organizations (English) 35
Letter to Foreign Organizations (Summary Chinese Translation) 37
Press release on the detention of Liu Shanqing 37
To the Supreme People's Court and the Procuratorate of the People's Republic of China 38
Appeal letter (183 people signed) 40
An appeal letter to the deputies to the Hong Kong and Macao people's congresses and members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference 42
The truth emerges 43
To the Ministry of Public Security of China to request a thorough investigation into the Liu Shanqing incident 43
Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Reply to CUHK Student Union 44
CUHK Student Union CUHK Student Union Newsletter 46
Our Attitude (Camp Liu Club Statement) 47
Quartet Echoes 48
Camp Liu's letter to Amnesty International 48
Letter to Amnesty International (Chinese translation) 49
The University of Hong Kong Students' Union National Affairs Association subverts Liu Hui 49
Joint Statement by the Federation of Students, HKU and CUHK 50
Joint Letter to the Premier of the State Council and the Supreme People's Court 53
The third anniversary of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment poster 54
Request the Chinese government to release Liu Shanqing (press release) 55
4th Anniversary of Liu Shanqing's Imprisonment Poster 56
December signed letter (front) 57
December signed letter (back) 59
Letter to the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau and the Higher People's Court 59
Representatives of 15 groups went to Guangzhou to inquire about the Liu Shanqing incident 60
Please donate generously to rescue a Hong Kong youth who supports the Chinese democracy movement 61
Internal and external support 62
Letter from a group of overseas Chinese in Canada 62
Japan's Yomiuri Shimbun branch in Hong Kong Zhang Dongfu 63
Letter from a professor at a university in the Netherlands (Chinese translation) 63
Letter from the UK Support Group 64
Gregor Geatay Ban Guorui 64
One student 65
SYDNEY AUSTRALIA 65
Burikie College of Education Student Union 66
A citizen 67
Mr. Xu 67
A mainland counter-revolutionary, Hong Kong wage earner 68
Mr. Lai 69
Letters from Hong Kong Citizens 71
Universal Voice 74
Britain Shuns Detainee 74
England fears trouble
World Revolution Weekly, 4/11/83 76
13 April Amnesty International Emergency Action 76
URGENT ACTION Amnesty International 78
Human Rights Internet Reporter 81
"Human Rights Liaison Report" press briefing (Chinese translation) 82
Amnesty International Annual Report 1983 82
Photo: The Committee to Commemorate the 10th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Incident on April 5, 2019, puts up a banner outside the Xinhua News Agency. 85
The beginning and end of detention 85
Lin Nansheng, "The Whereabouts of Liu Shanqing: China's Unanswered" 85
He Li, "The Beginning and End of Liu Shanqing's Detention in the Mainland" 87
Li Jinfeng New Newspaper Special 94
Various comments 96
"Liu Shanqing should be released immediately!" » 96
Ai Fan "Support Liu Shanqing" 99
Li Longgen·He Guopei Hong Kong government should take action on Liu case (Chinese translation) 102
HK Govt should act on Lau Shan Ching 102
Zhang Yu The CCP should release Liu Shanqing immediately! 103
Prime Strings Not a Movie 105
Li Zhijian to Liu Shanqing, a traitor to the education system 105
What is the reason for detaining Liu Shanqing 106
Ma Jiahui presses the Hong Kong government to make a statement on the Liu Shanqing incident 107
Li Peizhong Huang Xian and Liu Shanqing 108
Chen Ling can save Liu Shanqing only by actively running! 109
Huang Songming Nationality Issues of Overseas Chinese 110
Binny Liu Shanqing and O'Neal 112
Li Zhijian and Liu Shanqing incident should have a fair and reasonable solution! 113
Xiaobing "Why do you want to fight for the release of Liu Shanqing? 117
Miao Yu National Day talk about the country 120
Ling Feng Liu Shanqing's "Crime" 121
Ling Feng is not sensational 122
Xiaobing Liu Shanqing is innocent! 123
Hu Juren and Liu Shanqing sentenced to ten years in prison 126
Hu Juren, Liu Shanqing and Hong Kong's remarks 127
"Truth and Justice are on Liu Shanqing's side!" » 128
Li Jian, "Comment on Guangzhou Court's Judgment in Liu Shanqing's Case" 132
Wu Xuanren exposes the hypocritical trial of "Liu's case" 138
Fang Su The Revolution is Dead 140
HKU Institute of State Affairs on the Liu Shanqing Incident 143
Xiao Bing's "Promoting a Democracy Movement Is More Sin than Espionage?" Questioning the CCP Bureaucracy” 145
Hong Kong Political Prisoners in the Mainland (Summary) 149
South China Morning Post Feature Story Ann Quon 150
Is it merely a paper promise? 157
Zhang Yu can't save Liu Shanqing with his mouth 158
Muzi rescues Liu Shanqing 159
Jiangliu Incident Report 159
Newspapers and Periodicals 162
Express Short Needle "A Few Words for Liu Shanqing" 162
"Hong Kong Times" "Short Commentary" protests against the CCP's illegal "sentence" of Hong Kong residents 164
"Newspaper" "Editorial Review" The so-called "Liu Shanqing Incident" 164
"October Review" Immediately release all dissidents in China! 165
Aftermath 167
Wang Tianjun, why don't you make a statement 167
Ai Fan China has tomorrow 168
Inside Story of He Baoshan's Rescue of Liu Shanqing's Advertising Event 170
Ai Fan advertising aftermath 172
Wu Nanshan and the Liu Shanqing incident 173
Wu Nanshan, Mr. Ai Fan's "grievances" 174
Wu Nanshan, the leader of Hu Ju people 175
Wu Nanshan Comments on the Shortness of "The Seventies" 177
Wu Nanshan mourns Liu Shanqing 178
Letter to Mo Zhaoru from the Hong Kong University Student Union's State Affairs Association 179
People's Drama Club I am deeply sorry 180
Huang Guohua, "The case of Liu Shanqing is still undecided" 183
Ying Liuhui to Time Magazine 186
Time News we report the facts 186
A member of Ying Liuhui to the editorial department of "Times News" 188
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee to "Times News" 189
Time News Editors We Report the Facts 189
Member of Ying Liu Huiyi to the editorial department of "Times News" 190
Rescue Creation 191
Mo Zhaoru Prison Play (screenplay) 191
Ruxiu's End. Journey 195
Invocation "Missing Mountain Green" 196
Invocation Siji China 197
Invoking Wen Shanqing Sentenced to Ten Years in Prison 199
Going back to the restaurant of the old student union building to send Guopei 200
Invocation to release Liu Shanqing Poems to Deng Xiaoping 201
Wu Yihong some talk 203
Du Zhizhong Modern Crime and Punishment 205
Five Years Special 206
Wang Anran Five Years of Liu Shanqing 206
Jiang Hongyan and half of Liu Shanqing 209
Liu Zhongming five years of rescue 211
Wu Xuanren sin and innocence 213
Liang Guoxiong Inheritance in the Same Line: The Significance of Liu Shanqing's Prison 222
Xiangmu Rescue the pro-democracy activists, everyone is responsible 228
He Zhiling Recent Report 229
Memorabilia of Liu Shanqing's Murder Incident 231
Other 234
("Kongjiao Daily" January 2, 1987) 234
("China News" January 6, 1987) 235
(Ming Pao, January 10, 1987) 236
(Daily Daily, December 15, 1987) 237
(The Hong Kong Daily, 15 December 1987) 237
March 6, 1987 Lawyer's Letter 238
Members of the Two Councils in 1987 Press Release 239
Cover, title page, illustration, copyright page
Cover, title page, illustration page 1, illustration page 2, illustration page 3, illustration page 4, copyright page
The Association would like to thank all parties for their donations and publications
Five years of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment
"Always" 2
Published by: Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
Editing: Editing Team for this episode
Design: Feng Qixuan (cover and pages)
Date: First edition December 1987
Price: HK$30/US$10
Contact: Box 86111 Gillies Road, Kowloon
(Please omit the title of the group name)
Title: Liu Shanqing
The Case of a Politica lDetainee
Author: Committee For the Rescue of Liu Shan Qing
Address: Gillies Avenue P.O.Box 86111 Kowloon, HongKong.
0164
"Always 2 Catalog"
Sixth Anniversary of Liu Shanqing's Imprisonment
Five years of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment
——"Always" 2
Thought guilty!
Incriminating speech!
--He supported socialism, but was accused of "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement"!
--He pursued socialist democracy, but was deprived of his "political rights" for three years!
--He cared about the pro-democracy fighters and condolences to their families, but in exchange for "ten years in prison"!
He was forcibly robbed of over 2200 days of freedom!
Wronged Prisoner·Joint Rescue
Liu Shanqing is a Hong Kong citizen, aged 34. On December 25, 1981, he went to Guangzhou to visit the families of arrested pro-democracy activists and was detained. In February 1982, he was sentenced to ten years in prison for "counter-revolutionary crime" by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court. In the same year, Amnesty International listed him as a prisoner of conscience and called for a worldwide rescue.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee 1987.12
2 Editor Editor's Note
Speaking of Shanqing
6 Camp Liu Hui Liu Shanqing Resume
7 Li Zhijian Leng Yi Shanqing
8 Mo Zhaoru Impression of Mountain Green
9 Liang Guoxiong heavy to the sun
10 Wu Xuan into forging a person
12 Gan Haowang Who is our enemy and who is our friend?
14 Liang Yaozhong, the mountain green I know
arrested suspects
18 Battalion Liu Hui Big Disappearance
20 People reporter Hong Kong youth suspected of being illegally detained by the CCP?
follow the whereabouts
22 One of the Hong Kong Government's replies from the Chief Secretary's Office (English and Chinese translation)
23 Chief Secretary's Office Hong Kong Government Reply No. 2 (English and Chinese translation)
Rescue operations
26 Ying Liu Hui Public Statement on the Liu Shanqing Incident
27 Joint signature Joint statement
28 Ying Liuhui please help a person who was unreasonably detained
30 Jointly signed to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and the Hong Kong Government (advertisement for the common people)
31 Jointly signed to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and the Hong Kong Government (Express Advertisement)
32 Camp Liu Hui Appeal to all the citizens of Hong Kong
33 Camp Liuhui Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee Press Release
34 Ying Liuhui Open letter protesting the first anniversary of Liu Shanqing's unreasonable imprisonment
35 Ying Liuhui Letter to Foreign Organizations (English and Chinese translation) press release
36 Ying Liuhui Press Release - Regarding the detention of Liu Shanqing
37 Ying Liuhui to the Supreme People's Court and Procuratorate of the People's Republic of China
38 Jointly signed appeal letter
39 Camp Liuhui Appeal Letter
The truth emerges
42 CUHK and both sides of the strait asked the Chinese Ministry of Public Security for a thorough investigation
43 People's Court Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Reply
44 CUHK Student Union CUHK Student Union Newsletter
46 Camp Liu Hui Our Attitude
Quartet echoes
48 Ying Liuhui Letter to Amnesty International (English and Chinese translation)
49 Hong Kong University Institute of State Affairs Hong Kong University Institute of State Affairs Letter to Ying Liu Hui
50 Association of Post-secondary Students To the President of Guangdong Higher People's Court
52 Jointly signed to the Premier of the State Council and the Supreme People's Court
53 Ying Liuhui to the Premier of the State Council and the Supreme People's Court
54 Eight groups demand the release of Liu Shanqing from the Chinese government (press release)
55 Ying Liuhui Open Letter to the Chinese Government
56 Co-signing Co-signing Solidarity Action
57 The 15th Group To the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau and the Higher People's Court
58 Fifteen Groups Fifteen Group Symposium
59 Chinese Spring To save a Hong Kong youth who supported the Chinese democracy movement
Internal and external support
62 Named Letter from an Overseas Chinese in Canada
63 Letter from Zhang Dongfu, a Japanese correspondent stationed in Hong Kong
64 A letter from a professor at a university in the Netherlands (English and Chinese translation)
65 Xu Gan Letter from the British Support Group
66 Borg Letter from the Citizens of Sydney, Australia (English and Chinese translation)
67 A batch of letters from Hong Kong citizens
world in unison
78 The Sunday Observer UK ignores detainees (English and Chinese translation)
80 World Revolution, Immediately Release Liu Shanqing (Mu Wen)
81 Amnesty International Emergency Action (English and Chinese translation)
84 Human Rights Liaison Report news briefings (English and Chinese translation)
85 Amnesty International 1983 Annual Report (Chinese translation)
Detention
90 Lin Nansheng, Liu Shanqing's whereabouts: China has not responded
92 He Li, Liu Shanqing, detained in the mainland, Ye Shimo
98 Li Jinfeng New Newspaper Feature
Everyone's comments
102 Military March Liu Shanqing should be released immediately!
105 Ai Fan in solidarity with Liu Shanqing
107 Li Longgen, He Guopei, Hong Kong government should take action on Liu case (English and Chinese translation)
108 Zhang Yu The CCP should release Liu Shanqing immediately!
109 Prime Strings Not a Movie
109 Li Zhijian to the education system traitor Liu Shanqing
111 What is the reason for detaining Liu Shanqing
112 Ma Jiahui forced the Hong Kong government to make a statement on the Liu Shanqing incident
113 Li Peizhong Huang Xian and Liu Shanqing
114 Chen Zhen can save Liu Shanqing only by actively running
115 Huang Songming The nationality of overseas Chinese
116 Binny Liu Shanqing and O'Neal
117 Li Zhijian, Liu Shanqing Incident Should Have a Fair and Reasonable Resolution!
121 Why did Xiaobing fight for the release of Liu Shanqing?
124 Miao Yu National Day Talking About the Country
125 Ling Feng Liu Shanqing's "Crime"
126 Ling Feng is not sensational
127 Xiaobing Liu Shanqing is innocent!
130 Hu Juren Liu Shanqing sentenced to ten years in prison
131 Hu Juren, Liu Shanqing and Hong Kong speech
132 Military March, truth and justice are on Liu Shanqing's side!
135 Li Jian Comments on Guangzhou Court’s Judgment in Liu Shanqing’s Case
139 Wu Xuanren exposed the hypocrisy of the "Liu case" trial
142 Fang Su The Revolution is Dead
145 The Liu Shanqing Incident
147 Xiaobing, a pro-democracy movement is more sinful than a spy?
150 Guan Yuci Hong Kong political prisoner in the Mainland (English and Chinese translation)
156 Zhang Yu can't save Liu Shanqing with his mouth
157 Muzi Rescue Liu Shanqing
158 Jiang Liu Liu Shanqing Incident Report
Newspapers and Periodicals
162 Express Short Strategies Say a few words for Liu Shanqing!
163 Hong Kong Times Commentary Protest against the CCP’s illegal “sentence” of Hong Kong residents
168 Newspaper editorial comment on the so-called "Liu Shanqing Incident"
165 ten comment editorials Release all Chinese dissidents immediately!
Aftermath of the incident
168 Wang Tianjun, why don't you make a statement?
159 Ai Fan China Has Tomorrow
171 Inside Story of He Baoshan's Rescue of Liu Shanqing's Advertising Event
172 Ai Fan advertising aftermath
173 The turmoil of Wu Nanshan Liu Shanqing Incident
175 Wu Nanshan Mr. Ai Fan's "case"
176 Wu Nanshan, the leader of the Hu Ju person
177 Wu Nanshan Comments on the Shortness of "The Seventies"
178 Wu Nanshan Mourning Liu Shanqing
179 Hong Kong University Association of State Affairs Hong Kong University Students’ Union, State Affairs Association to Mo Zhaoru’s letter
179 People's Drama Club
183 The case of Huang Guohua and Liu Shanqing is still undecided
185 Times News Editors We Report the Facts
186 A member of Liu Huiyi, a member of the camp, to the Times News editorial department
rescue creation
188 Mo Zhaoru The Prison Play (Script)
192 Ruxiu, The Last Road, The Journey (Excerpt from Drama Review)
194 Qi Zhen Missing Shanqing (Poem)
195 Invocation, Silent China (Poem)
196 Invocation Wen Shanqing Sentenced to Ten Years in Prison (Poem)
197 Invocation, Returning to the Canteen of the Old Student Union Building to Send Guopei (Poem)
198 Invocation Release Liu Shanqing's Poem to Deng Xiaoping (Poem)
200 Wu Yihong some words (sense)
201 Du Zhizhong Modern Crime and Punishment (Random Feeling)
Five Years Special
204 Wang Anran Liu Shanqing's Five Years
207 Jiang Hongyan and half of Liu Shanqing
208 Liu Zhongming, five years of police rescue
210 Wu Xuanren sin and innocence
219 Liang Guoxiong is in the same blood
225 Xiangmu Rescue the pro-democracy activists, everyone is responsible
226 He Zhiling Recent Report
228 Memorabilia of Camp Liu Hui Liu Shan Qing-Cambodia Incident
(Reprinted in December 1987 in October Review)
Speaking of Shanqing
Resume of Liu Shanqing
Liu Shanqing, male, a Hong Kong resident, is 29 years old. Current sales engineer.
In 1973, he studied at the University of Hong Kong. During his three years of university life, he was active in the student movement and was a member of the current affairs committee of the University of Hong Kong Student Union. In 1975 he participated in the campaign against increasing military spending. In 1976, he supported the "April 5 Tiananmen Incident" mass movement.
After graduation, Liu worked with other friends to run a night school for workers to raise workers' social awareness. From 1976 to 1979, he participated in various social movements successively: the incident against the government's closure of Jinxi Middle School, the incident of Yau Ma Tei boatmen seeking to go ashore, the second campaign to defend Diaoyutai, and the incident of Jiashi TV's employees seeking to resume work .
From 1979 to 1981, Liu actively supported the Chinese democracy movement, and exchanged ideas with people from private publications.
On February 25 last year, Liu Shanqing set off for Guangzhou. It is reported that he hoped to visit the family members of the detained people, but since he left, there has been no news.
On March 12 this year, Liu's father inquired about his whereabouts with the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau. The police confirmed that Liu's family had been detained, and said that he was currently in the interrogation stage, and others could not visit Liu's family. However, he did not disclose what Liu was suspected of. crime or whether to try him publicly.
June 1982
Impression Collection of Liu Shanqing
A Shui Leng Yi Shanqing
A water
1
Liu Shanqing is an old classmate of mine, and was once a working partner of the night school of social workers of the New Youth School. As for personal friendship with him, it was limited to talking about the social situation during dinner.
2
His lifestyle can be described as passionate, romantic or bohemian, depending on your values and how well you know him. It was the lack of interest that stopped him, not the midnight bell. He insisted that he was not a Puritan, so there was no need to refuse pleasure stimulation. The hoarse voice did not reduce the fun of his self-playing (guitar) singing. If I'm not wrong, cigarettes, alcohol, billiards, motorcycles, pop music are his good companions. In general, young people like swimming in the water and playing golf, and traveling and camping are all in line with their tastes. As for the reading materials, he will refer to the newspapers of the workers, avant-garde literature and art, political theory, and documents required by his profession.
3
Shan Qing's sense of humor helps him communicate with people or reduce the chance of being misunderstood. It is impossible for you to get a level-headed politeness from his words and expressions. If you think that his words are vulgar, his attitude is arrogant, and his heart is hurt, it is really unwise. His anger is mostly self-expression and emotional venting. No matter how much we disagree on principled debate every time, the result is the same. Before the banquet meal, nothing seems to have happened. He seems to have another set of ideological logic, seeing things is often intuitive, and his comprehensive ability is better than his analytical ability. I admit that I didn't know what he was talking about a lot of the time. I could explain it properly in three or a few sentences, and he could try to explain it for a few minutes. Or maybe the receiver's receiver's frequency modulation was not accurate, and there was too much noise.
4
Politically and ideologically, Shan Qing believed that he belonged to the oppressed proletariat. He hates brainless dog officials, has the courage to tear apart the hypocrisy of the world, and treats dictatorial rulers like a man made of diamonds. Unfortunately, he sometimes goes against his own principles and ignores the opinions and criticisms of his peers. I can't think of any political ideology that sums him up, barely an anarchist. Bread and freedom, both.
5
The Chinese government has silently detained Shan Qing for half a year, neither explaining the reasons to his relatives nor proposing a public trial; is there any sincerity to disturb the legal system? A sound legal system is the common aspiration of Chinese at home and abroad. A Hong Kong law-abiding resident has been missing for a long time in China, but the Hong Kong government has turned a blind eye. Can the word "colonial" explain the past? Shan Qing is not my good friend, but based on the principle that human rights should not be trampled on and the law should be respected, my silence will only encourage the expansion of unreasonable forces.
6
Shan Qing's thoughts may be immature, his actions may be left-leaning and blind, and his relationship with acquaintances may not be very harmonious. However, compared to many students who plan to be a stable petty bourgeoisie before graduation, he is much more lovely. Tough lines, thick eyebrows and big eyes; Society says he is marginal. It is unfair and unreasonable things that marginal people want to stab at, which is better than being a good boy and a good girl.
Mo Zhaoru Impression of Shan Qing
Mo Zhaoru
I have known Liu Shanqing for a long time, but they are not his acquaintances.
At that time, most of the post-secondary student unions in Hong Kong closely followed the Gang of Four in China. When Liu Shanqing was studying science at university, in addition to doing experiments in the laboratory, he was also very concerned about China and society. However, he was never deceived by the Gang of Four. I remember when we first met him, when we talked about the situation of the student movement, he said that he would stand up for the position of the Hong Kong University Student Union and not let the students who blindly follow the CCP line control it. Student Union. Shan Qing often speaks with a hoarse voice (some friends say it looks like a gong), but his attitude is sincere! Later, he did not become a candidate himself, but he participated in the activities of forming a cabinet, and held meetings in Mingyuan Hall and other dormitories... very active. There was a time when Shan Qing went in and out of Mingyuantang, where he ate and "bends the snake", making people think that he was a former student of Mingyuantang!
The scope of Shanqing's activities is not limited to the University of Hong Kong. He and a group of his friends are active in the Catholic student organization, the Federation of Catholic Colleges and Universities. Also, after Shan Qing got to know us, he would occasionally come to our 1984 bookstore of "70" newspaper in Locke Road, Wanchai to read, chat and discuss issues. However, Shan Qing has never really become a member of "Seven 0", and he usually appears in the bookstore at night. I rarely have the opportunity to contact him. I often discuss with Shan Qing until late at night or even through the night. Some of the "seven 0" friends.
After graduating, Shan Qing set up the "New Youth Academy" with friends in Tsuen Wan, and had fewer opportunities to contact him. The last time I saw him was several years ago. Shan Qing and his friends from the "New Youth Society" and "Seven Zero" had a discussion at the 1984 bookstore to exchange views on the Hong Kong workers' movement...
During the period 1979-80, I lived in Europe for a period of time - speaking around in some "very safe" situations, introducing and appealing to students and groups across Europe about the Chinese democracy movement support. At the same time, it turned out that Shan Qing had taken great risks several times to return to China to contact the fighters of the democracy movement, exchange ideas with them, and even bring their messages back to Hong Kong and spread them all over the world. !
Shan Qing is a real fighter who supports the Chinese democracy movement!
Liang Guoxiong Heavy to the Sun
Liang Guoxiong
One night in mid-December last year, in a house in Kowloon district, dozens of people sat around a room full of books; there were many people smoking because of the crowd, and the air was filled with the smell of nicotine. , appears a bit cloudy, but it does not detract from people's tireless debate. The group was discussing what the book could do for the trampled Poles.
A fat man and a short, lean girl are arguing over whether to call on the Polish army to stand by the people in a joint statement. At this time, Liu Shanqing, who is short and wearing glasses with deep myopia, raised his hand to speak in support of the opinion plus appeal. He has a "hoarse" voice that makes him feel like he's not a great speaker. In addition, the slightly protruding cheekbones of his small face, coupled with the heavy frame on the bridge of his nose, give people a somewhat wooden and strong character. Seriously, he's not a dazzling figure, but who would have guessed that he'd make all his friends worry about him for months to come?
In the dark cell, at this moment, will you smell the spicy smoke that spreads in the air that night? And your unique flickering sound has become a must!
The "Solidarity T-shirt" you brought to Tsuen Wan for consignment is waiting for you to count it!
I don't know if you can bathe in the warm sunshine now! However, I remember you and you all sitting in the open space of the Tsim Sha Tsui Space Museum in the December sun, discussing how to move forward with supporting Polish workers.
That day, when everyone came out of the press conference, you also suggested that the signature campaign should be well implemented. However, you are now imprisoned in a cell and rarely see sunlight, and we are discussing how to implement a signature campaign to rescue you. !
On another bitterly cold night, a dozen lads planned to stir up a "public rally in support of the Polish workers." When everyone shared the responsibility for launching, you said there was no time. I scolded you inwardly, "It's useless, shirk the responsibility." Did you realize that your days of freedom are running out, so you should cherish it?
After that, everyone was busy putting up posters, handing out flyers, and stirring up the publicity of the rally, but you were missing. I believe that many of you will also scold you as "Tailless Flying Tuo" with me. But, how could I have thought that you might already be behind bars?
Now, many people say that your affairs are very mysterious and complicated, but I think of one of your secret operations, which was in 1978 in the "July and 9th School Resumption Petition", you stuffed a volume into the team The Golden Jubilee Review was distributed to me. I remember that there was a scorching sun in the sky that day, and there were no secrets under the sun.
Now, you are locked in a corner where your head can't see the sky. I believe that those who are involved in secret activities are afraid of seeing the sun, but you, me and everyone are eager for the sun, and will definitely bring you back to the under the sun.
Wu Xuanren Forge a person
Wu Xuanren
If I hadn't met Liu Shanqing at a meeting of the "Supporting Polish Solidarity Trade Union Committee", I would still not have easily affirmed that the so-called college students who went to college for three or four years were really strong people; I knew a lot of friends who came out of college. He resolutely took off his turban, worked his muscles and bones, and stood on the top of the waves, standing upright and slashing. Tan Lianhui and Chen Yiyan in those days were both in the middle of the table. Once upon a time, Tan Jun finally ended up haggard and lonely, and re-entered the other side of the school to focus on pure mathematics that he had abandoned for a long time; Chen Jun also chased after Tan. Water, only three or two volumes of simplified prints were made in the Houyang Shuhe. As for the so-called "nostalgia on the banks of the Seine", the three "excellent people" in the middle are really just a leisurely interest in sighing and sighing in the wind.
It's not because of Shan Qing's hoarse tone that makes people miss him, but the difficulty behind the hoarseness; generosity and easy things, calm and righteousness; Shan Qing is not comfortable with living, nor does he follow the tide. Proposals made to me at meetings, and his peace talks in terrifying silence and misunderstanding, woke me up to the fact that someone was so focused, and came to the table to check the situation, so as to get back to the headlines in the newspapers fighting for two cheap money The flow of consumers is simply indescribable. Shan Qing usually acts and doesn't talk about it. He seldom entertains celebrities in the activity world. Naturally, he lacks the fear of some high-profile people who are famous for their public opinion. A secret arrow from the "X faction" will be called people. I find it funny and despise it. This group of idlers who drank tea and cheered on the stage of various historical changes of the Chinese bureaucracy have long been remorseful and enlightened.
Shan Qing is not "good enough" for others. His solitary personality made him and his siblings forget each other. His father shook his head and said little to him. In fact, from May 4th to today, there are families of that generation that can accommodate children who do not follow the routine, and are willing to allow their children to walk through the storm on their own, in exchange for peace and prosperity! He is ignorant of "current affairs". After the accident, his superficial friends said that he "will eventually become a martyr." Although before he went to Guangzhou to visit the families of pro-democracy activists, there were rumors that he was at the top of the black list of the CCP's secret agents. Jiang He is not abandoned, and the will is solid as a mountain green. How can he be intimidated, he walked through Shenzhen. Those who stand up to support China's democratic movement and feel the taste of responsibility for their life safety are the most puzzled by the "security revolutionists"! They should be puzzled, because this is Hong Kong, a Hong Kong that doesn't have to be serious about everything, and a Hong Kong that doesn't make fun of it!
As someone Shan Qing knows, his status is really a slap in the face of us. There is no cheap gold body, and there is no room for turning around. There is and only can be faced with arrest, intimidation, torture, torture or even die. The bureaucrats are only allowed to decorate the front of the Constitution, Chapter X, Article N, and Article S, Article Q of the Criminal Law. The land of China is still very, very, very dark.
Shan Qing and Zhong Xian are unfortunate and fortunate. It also makes Shanqing heavier than Mount Tai, but in the vast ranks of the Chinese civil movement fighting, Shanqing is easy to be a light feather. However, every one of our friends should remember: he is a feather that flies over the motherland. Today in the 1900s, in a dark and damp cell, it is a feather in chains, and it is strangely forged from the colony as a man!
For the sake of Shan Qing, I will record Qiu Jin again——
A cavity of passion and diligence
Sprinkling it can still transform the blue water
Also for Shanqing's sake, please make a wish to become a person.
Eighty two. six. Nine
Gan Haowang "Who is our enemy and who is our friend."
I have been thinking about this sentence over and over, because many people do go to China now. Of course, some of them must be enemies of the Chinese; but who are friends and who are enemies? I believe those who do business in China are using the Chinese people to make money for them and are selfish. Although they may not know it, they are in fact the enemy of the Chinese people; because the most important thing is not money, but people!
I do not know the development of the democratic movement, nor do I know its elements; so I do not support the democratic movement. However, I know Liu Shanqing, who has spent two years in prison. He was arrested and sentenced to 10 years in prison on Christmas Day 1981 while traveling to China for two or three days. I heard that he set off on December 23-24, 1981. He originally planned to return to Hong Kong for work on the 27th. In just two or three days, can he do those illegal things? As far as I know, Liu Shanqing is not affiliated with any group, he does what he wants to do by himself; however, he has made a lot of people care about him now. At the same time, he also believes that some people and organizations will be happy that he is imprisoned; especially in Hong Kong, a selfish society that depends on money and on capital.
Now, let me recap how I met Liu Shanqing. When I first met him, I already felt that he had a spirit of serving the people of Hong Kong. It was the winter of 1975, and together with some Catholic students and student groups, he supported the residents of Ngau Chi Wan affected by the subway project. I vividly remember that one night in December of that year, the residents were holding their last meeting, and many student groups were there to visit the residents, take many photos, and keep reassuring the residents that they would do their best to support them. At the same time, many plainclothes agents sneaked into the venue, which made Ye Xien feel unhappy. Not many people would stand in solidarity with these events then, as they are today. At the same time, no one knows what the police and the squatter department will do to the residents tomorrow. As a result, students are all skeptical and can't decide whether to sleep rough with residents to show their support to the end. At this time, Liu Shanqing suddenly stood up and said, "Is there a mistake? I support the residents in Japanese, but now I don't dare to sleep together with the residents." After hearing this, the students decided to stay. Liu Shanqing's brave words and deeds left a deep impression on me when I first met him.
The second thing is the Golden Jubilee event. In this event, pressure groups were just born. These groups can be said to be the active social forces in Hong Kong in recent years. Liu Shanqing is also very active in this movement; therefore, he should share some of the credit.
The third thing is the Yau Ma Tei boaters' campaign to go ashore. In 1979, he and his friends stood up and supported Yato to try to get ashore. In August of that year, Typhoon Hebei hit Hong Kong and a total of 54 domestic boats sank in the Yau Ma Tei Typhoon Shelter. Liu Shanqing rushed into the lacquer camp with homeless boaters, insisting that the Hong Kong government must settle boaters near the urban area as soon as possible. After days of confrontation, a large number of police entered Camp Chatham, posing as if they were going to arrest the university. This time, Liu Shanqing did not give in either, and everyone persevered together. Just like the Golden Jubilee Incident, the boat-house movement later achieved some results—the Hong Kong government revised public security laws. At the same time, the Yato movement has also gained support from nascent pressure groups.
The fourth event is the rough sleeping campaign by the Mazai Hang victims to seek resettlement—the longest rough sleeping in recent years. One night, I ran into him chatting a few times on the street. He told me that being an engineer was not a taste, and he felt a little empty, and thought that he should have more contact with the people of Hong Kong. So I took him to visit the homeless victims. On two nights in a row, he spoke for nearly two hours, expressing his desire to do something for the struggle, so that the residents were amazed at his attitude; he was arrested three months later.
When I heard the news, I was very concerned, as were the social workers and student groups I had contacted with. Naturally, it was his family who were most distressed by this. However, they decided not to contact outside groups, hoping to win Liu Shanqing's early release. Recently, I have also heard the opinions of other groups. Although they have not spoken publicly, they are all worried - not only for Liu Shanqing, but also for some people who have not been supported by the group and have been arrested for no reason. For example, when the Chinese University Student Union visited Beijing, it sent a letter to the Chinese government, which seemed a little embarrassing to the Chinese government, so she replied to the student union's inquiry and posted the content of the reply on Wen Wei Po. I believe this is the first time such an open answer has been made to a similar incident.
I also went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau and the Hong Kong Xinhua News Agency to inquire about the matter. However, the officers of the two departments said they had already replied to Liu's father and said that they could not discuss the matter with Liu Shanqing's friends. I believe that in Hong Kong in the 1980s, there was a great need for people like Liu Shanqing; because it was a completely wrong society and many people were oppressed. For example, many singles will be meeting tonight to discuss how to get a separate dorm; they've been fighting for almost a year! If Liu Shanqing is still in Hong Kong, I believe he will stand up to support and care for them.
I do not agree with the previous speaker, Mr. He said that the revolution is dead. I don't think revolutions are made by a small group of people, and people can laugh at us and think we're ridiculous. However, revolution is created by the people. We must believe that the people will not only change the world and control their own destiny, but also care for and support their own people.
Finally, I also hope that Liu Shanqing will be released before Christmas, and I hope that the Chinese government will be generous so that Liu Shanqing will not spend two whole years in prison!
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Liang Yaozhong, the Liu Shanqing I know
Mr. Leung Yiu-chung
Liu Qing, a Chinese pro-democracy fighter, wrote a more than 100,000-word "Notes in Prison" after his arrest, in which he once said: "I always thought that any kind of person, as long as they have the If you have your own opinions and make unremitting efforts for what you think is the right goal, you can hope to gain the respect of others; on the contrary, if you go against your own conscience and lose the elements of being a person, you will naturally only be despised by others.”
This good fighter of the Chinese democracy movement not only expressed the spirit of the principle of personal behavior through words in prison, but also practiced and did not give in in prison. Hold on to your own ideas. He has done what he himself emphasized: to admit his mistakes, he must not be forced to do it by political parties, groups, power institutions, and highly respected leaders; even violence and inducements, for him, can only be sneered.
This attitude is really the performance of a tough, tough guy.
And the Liu Shanqing I know is also a tough guy. At least, this is confirmed from the letter we obtained from the reception room of the Guangzhou Municipal Intermediate People's Court in reply to the Chinese University Student Union. One of the charges against Liu Shanqing in the letter is: resisting and undermining the implementation of national laws and decrees. In fact, in a state system that lacks democracy, laws and decrees are simply tools of dictatorship. If we agree that Liu Shanqing is innocent and that he is accused of imposing a crime, then his resistance and undermining the implementation of national laws and decrees can be understood as a manifestation of intransigence and non-cooperation with the CCP authorities, and in the face of When used as a tool of power pressure, do not give up your principles and admit your mistakes and guilt!
However, it is really difficult to recognize Liu Shanqing's innocence, because everyone lacks all the information Shanqing has obtained since he left Hong Kong, and we have no knowledge of what he has done, so it is not easy to explain it to him, but we were unable to attend his "public" trial", and the conclusive evidence of his sentencing has not yet been made public, and we have not heard or seen his self-defense so far. It would be too one-sided and unreasonable to affirm his guilt. Therefore, we have to make a conjecture as to whether he committed a crime, and this conjecture can only be based on knowledge of his past.
Shan Qing and I have not known each other for a long time, only about three years; they are not his close friends, but only friends who work together for the ideal. Our workplace is the New Youth Institute in Tsuen Wan.
The Xinqing Society was founded by a group of students who graduated from colleges and universities. The main job is to reunite the workers, to give them the opportunity to be exposed to more cultures and to take control of their own destiny.
Shan Qing is one of the founders of this society. I remember that at that time, he had certain ideals for Xinqing. He believed that under the colonial capitalist system, Hong Kong strongly showed the disparity between the rich and the poor, and the unfair and unreasonable contradictions in the society were mostly directed at the working class. . Therefore, it is necessary to help the workers to improve their cultural level, understand the social reality, understand the relationship between the working class and society, and establish their own outlook on life, so as to strive for and improve their real life. In addition, he also attempts to arouse more workers to understand socialism Sow the seeds for the future stage of the capitalist system, and thus for the future prospects of society.
Although the issue of Hong Kong's future was not discussed hotly on a social level until Liu Shanqing was arrested. But in fact, when Shanqing was planning to set up the New Youth Society, that is, in 1975, he had already paid attention to this issue. The future of Hong Kong, which he believes in, is completely linked to the future of China. Because he affirmed that the sovereignty of Hong Kong belongs to China without a doubt, the British government extracted political and economic benefits from Hong Kong through unequal treaties. Therefore, the British colonial government must withdraw from Hong Kong and return Hong Kong to the embrace of the motherland. However, he deeply felt that although China's revolution of 1949 successfully overthrew the semi-feudal and semi-colonial system and established a socialist social system model, due to various factors, China lacked a socialist democracy. system, thus hindering China's development. Therefore, Shan Qing's belief is: if Hong Kong has a future, China must have a future; and to promote China's development, we must first establish a socialist democracy. At that time, Shan Qing believed that the main force was of course domestic The people of Hong Kong, but as for the people of Hong Kong, especially the workers, if they can give advice and support, the consequences may be immeasurable. Therefore, under this belief, Shan Qing is even more motivated to do well New Youth Society.
The New Youth Society is an open-minded group, never specific to one type of ideological propaganda. Therefore, Shan Qing was given an opportunity to publicize his beliefs—Marxism and Leninism; at the same time, he told the workers about the situation in China and explained the connotation of socialist democracy, hoping to arouse the workers to change their long-standing beliefs about it. China's indifference.
Or, because of the ideological preparation, when China is rare and the democratic movement is dawning, Shan Qing immediately mobilized other friends to pay attention to the development of the democracy movement, and actively preached the relevant issues to the friends and workers around him. The situation of the democratic movement, in order to gather strength, give support and assistance to the democratic movement, and he personally took the initiative to exchange ideas and opinions with democrats, hoping to promote the vigorous development of the democratic movement and bring new hope to China.
But there is no doubt that real life is ruthless. Those most eager to taste the taste of the democracy movement were treated the most undemocratically.
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arrested suspects
Rescue Society "The Great Missing"
(The Big Missing [English] Missing, Writer-director Constantin Costa-Gavras won the Oscar® for best adapted screenplay for this extraordinary and gripping film that tells the true story of an American man searching for his son in Chile following the coup of 1973. )
missing. Human Rights Democracy
Does "The Big Disappearance" disturb you?
one. In 1973, a right-wing military coup took place in Chile. The left-leaning governments of El Salvador and Aarondi were overthrown. Young American writer Charles. Holman disappeared during the coup d'état. His father traveled to Chile from New York and Charles's wife to search everywhere in Chile. During their exploration, they found that they were constantly being obstructed by American and Chilean officials in many ways. In the end, Charles' eldest son, Chad, had been killed, and his body was found in a "mortuary" in San Diego. He died because he accidentally found evidence of direct US involvement and support for the coup, and was killed with the knowledge of the US embassy staff!
So "The Big Disappearance" is a true story! "The Great Disappearance" director Costantin. Costa. Garvas Strong Zhou: "The purpose of art is not to entertain, but to make you uneasy!"
So please don't forget that everything you saw in the movie "The Great Missing" happened one by one!
two. In the Chilean coup of 1973, tens of thousands of Chileans, students and intellectuals disappeared, were imprisoned, tortured and massacred. An estimated 50,000 people were killed in the first two months of the far-right military government's seizure of power! In addition, according to today's statistics, a total of 30,000 Chileans (students, workers and intellectuals who oppose or are suspected of opposing the right-wing fascist military regime) are missing. ) every day in Chile like Charles. Holman's father and wife are so hopeful! But if Chileans searched for their sons like Charles's father did, they would even disappear!
There are thousands of people missing in Argentina, missing in Poland, missing in the Soviet Union...
The story in the movie "The Great Disappearance" is real and happened in Chile. Do you think Chile is too far away? Argentina, Poland, the Soviet Union... all too far? But have you heard the story of American Wedgers? She is an American who was ordered to leave Hong Kong by the Hong Kong government for supporting social movements in Hong Kong and exposing the exploitative activities of multinational corporations in Asia!
three. After watching "The Big Disappearance", you met Charles. Homeman, his father and his wife.
Do you know Liu Shanqing? Do you know Liu Shanqing's parents?
Liu Shanqing is 29 years old. He graduated from the Faculty of Science of the University of Hong Kong in 1976. After graduation, he taught and worked as an employee of a construction company. Since 1981, he has worked as an engineer in a company. He is a social movement activist. He was a member of the "Hong Kong University Current Affairs Committee" and "Catholic Tertiary Federation Current Affairs Committee" while at the University of Hong Kong, and participated in activities in support of the Tiananmen Square Incident. After graduating, he supported the actions of teachers and students in the "Golden Century Middle School Incident", supported the Yau Ma Tei boaters' struggle to live ashore, and supported the running and shouting of employees who were fired after Jiayi TV went bankrupt. Later, he became more sympathetic to the youth democracy movement in China, and had exchanged ideas with the pro-democracy activists in Guangzhou.
In March and April 1981, the Chinese authorities violently suppressed the pro-democracy movement and arrested activists of the pro-democracy movement, including Wang Xizhe and He Qiu in Guangdong!
After Wang Xizhe and He Qiu were arrested, Liu Shanqing was very concerned about their unfortunate fate. On December 25 last year, he took advantage of the Christmas holiday to rush to Guangzhou to visit Wang Xizhe's family. Like a yellow crane.
At first, Liu Shanqing's parents and family asked Hong Kong's Xinhua News Agency to inquire about the whereabouts of Liu Shanqing. But the head of Xinhua News Agency and the officials of the Hong Kong government are like the American and Chilean officials in the movie "The Great Disappearance" who shirk the blame and shirk responsibility!
Liu Shanqing's father had to be like Charles. Like Holman's father, he personally went to Guangzhou on March 13 this year to inquire with the Public Security Bureau, confirming that Liu Shanqing was indeed arrested. However, the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau refused to show him any official documents related to the arrest, nor revealed the location of the detention, nor allowed him to visit the prison. What crime did Liu Shanqing commit? Is it prosecuted by the procuratorate? Will there be a public trial? All were not explained. The public security authorities only persuaded Liu's father to cooperate well after returning to Hong Kong. The so-called cooperation means not to disclose any dissatisfaction to the public about this matter.
The actions of the Chinese government completely disregard individual rights. Regardless of whether Liu Shanqing had contact with domestic pro-democracy activists before, he went to Guangzhou this time, obviously not directly with pro-democracy activists, but only with the families of pro-democracy activists Wang Xizhe and He Qiu. In fact, Wang Xizhe and He Qiu did not commit a crime. Officials arrested them and sentenced them to 14 years and 10 years in prison. They were convicted of ideological crimes, and Wang Xizhe's family members were not guilty at all. The application of the law is limited to the individual, not the family. Even in a feudal society, there is a saying that the crime is not as good as the wives and children. Since Wang Xizhe asked his family members to be innocent, what crime did Liu Shanqing commit when he contacted the innocent family members?
The state of mind of Liu Shanqing's family, I believe you understand it after watching "The Big Disappearance"!
Please help a person who was unreasonably detained!
Rescue Liu Shanqing Temporary Action Committee
Mailing address: Middle single room, G/F, 5 Holly Road, Hong Kong
"People" Hong Kong youth suspected of being illegally detained by the CCP?
Hong Kong youth suspected of being illegally detained by the CCP?
Enthusiastic pro-democracy youth ignore warning
The whereabouts of Huisui a month ago are still unknown
"People" reporter
Recently, the hottest topic among young intellectuals in Hong Kong is the "Wu Zhongxian Incident" (Editor's Note: Please refer to this issue of Wu Zhongxian: "Why Am I Arrested by CCP Special Agents?"), just as people are still talking about Wu Zhongxian going north to "connect" to China Just as the history of how pro-democracy activists were detained and released by domestic secret services, another incident of "Hong Kong youth suspected of being detained by relevant domestic authorities" recently broke out. The inside story is still little known.
This young man from Hong Kong took a train back to Guangzhou on Christmas Day in 1981 (the evening of the 24th), and has not returned to Hong Kong till now (February 13th, 1982).
Before the trip, a certain gentleman contacted a good friend in Hong Kong, saying that he would only need three days to return to Hong Kong after going north. The purpose was to take advantage of the three-day company holiday to go to Guangzhou to express condolences to the arrested "democracy" activists in Guangzhou. The family of Wang Xizhe also said that there was no information about the "democracy movement" in his luggage.
Three days later, until December 27th, he disappeared, and friends from all walks of life in Hong Kong completely lost news of him. A certain Jun's parents said that they have not been able to know the whereabouts of Ai'er so far.
A friend of a certain gentleman called the company he worked for, and the answer was equally worrying.
Mr. Jun is a graduate of the University of Hong Kong in 1976. He has been actively involved in the student movement during his school days. After entering social work, he still does not forget to engage in social movements in his spare time, such as his involvement in the "Golden Jubilee Incident" and "The Boathouse Incident". , "Anle Village Incident", etc.
Before his "disappearance", he was one of the enthusiasts of the "Chinese Democracy Movement Information Center" in Hong Kong. As early as three years ago, he was also one of the founders of the "New Youth Association" in Tsuen Wan, and he served as a tutor for workers' cram school. world knowledge.
Not long ago, people in the circle held a private symposium on the "disappearance" of a certain gentleman returning to Sui. At the meeting, friends from all parties agreed that the current urgent matter is to find out his whereabouts; if it is confirmed that he is detained by the CCP authorities, he must try to rescue him, but he has no intention of exaggerating the matter, because the truth is not yet known.
It is reported that during the summer vacation last year, when Wu Zhongxian was released by the CCP spy and returned to Hong Kong, he specially reminded a certain gentleman not to return to mainland China casually, so as not to be caught. At that time, it was said that a certain gentleman disapproved and said that if he did not bring illegal publications or other materials into and out of Luohu Customs, it is estimated that he would not be easily arrested by the agents. This is still in my ears, and a certain gentleman can't wait to return to Guangzhou by himself before Christmas of the same year. Today, friends from all walks of life are worried.
I hope that the "disappearance" of a certain gentleman this time will not be a replica of the "Wu Zhongxian Incident". I wish good luck.
follow the whereabouts
Chief Secretary's Office One of the Government's Replies (English and Chinese translation)
GOVERNMENT SECRETARIAT
LOWER ALBERT ROAD HONG KONG
6 October 1982
OUR REF (28) in SCR 1/1167/55 Pt. XIII
YOUR REF
Dear Sir,
I refer to your letter dated 23 February 1982 to His Excellency the Governor on behalf of Mr. LAU San-ching and I am authorised to reply to it on His Excellency's behalf.
Following requests by the British Embassy in Peking for information on the whereabouts of Mr. LAU, the Chinese authorities have stated that Mr. Lau is regarded by them as a national of the People's Republic of China and that he recognised such a status by travelling to China on a "compatriots' certificate (a return permit issued to residents of Hong Kong and Macau). The Chinese authorities further explained that Lau had been detained for unlawful deeds."
Yours faithfully,
(1i Wing) for Secretary for Security
One of the Hong Kong government's reply letters on the Liu Shanqing incident (Chinese translation)
Chief Secretary's Office
"October Review" Chinese Translation
Respected:
Continued from the Taiwan side on February 23 of this year, on the matter of Ling Lang, Mr. Liu Shanqing, to the Governor of the Constitution. I am authorized to reply as follows:
The British embassy in Beijing had traced the whereabouts of Ling Lang to the Chinese authorities. The Chinese authorities said that Ling Lang was regarded as a national of the People's Republic of China, and because the document he held when he went to China was a "Certificate of Compatriots" (issued to residents of Hong Kong and Macau) He has admitted his identity as a Chinese national. Chinese authorities also explained that Ling Lang had been "detained by the authorities for unlawful conduct".
this cover
Reply to the Secretary for Security, Tai Hongzhi (acting for Li Rong) October 6, 1982
The October Review, Volume 9, Issue 12
Chief Secretary's Office Government Reply No. 2 (English and Chinese translation)
GOVERNMENT SECRETARIAT, LOWER ALBERT ROAD, HONG KONG
OUR REF: (41)SCR 1/1167/55 XIII
YOUR REF.:
26 November 1982
Dear Sir,
I refer to your letter dated 15 November 1982 to His Excellency the Governor and I am authorised to reply to it on His Excellency's behalf.
The Chinese authorities have been asked whether they could give more details of the circumstances of Mr. LAU San-Ching’s detention and the nature of his offence. If the Chinese authorities provide any new information, I shall write further.
Yours faithfully,
(P. J. Heady ) for Secretary for Security
Hong Kong Government's Reply No. 2 on the Liu Shanqing Incident (Chinese translation)
Chief Secretary's Office
Compiler
Dear Sirs:
Continued from Taiwan's letter dated November 15, 1982 to the Governor of Hong Kong, I am authorized to reply as follows:
The Chinese state has been asked to provide further background information on Liu Shanqing's detention and what he did. If the Chinese authorities provide any new information, they will be notified in a separate letter.
this cover
Reply to the Secretary of Security, Tai Hongzhi (Xu Di acting on his behalf) November 26, 1982
Rescue operations
Public Statement on the Liu Shanqing Incident
Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981, intending to visit the family members of those arrested by the Chinese pro-democracy movement, and planned to return to Hong Kong on December 27. Unexpectedly, from then until mid-March, his family and friends lost contact with him completely.
Regarding Liu Jun's disappearance, his family and friends have made inquiries to the Hong Kong Police Station, the Office of Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils, and Xinhua News Agency, but they have not accepted them. On March 13, 1982, Liu Jun's father, seeing the news of the flesh and blood, went to the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau of Guangdong Province to inquire in person, and was verbally confirmed by the relevant parties: Liu Jun had been detained, but the Public Security Bureau did not disclose it. Grounds for detention, and whether there will be a public trial. Liu Jun's father's request to meet his son was also rejected, so he could only return to Hong Kong helplessly and anxiously.
we one
Request the Chinese government to respect the legal system and protect the rights of legal residents in Hong Kong:
(1) The Guangzhou Public Security Bureau detained Liu Jun for more than two months without notifying his family members in Hong Kong at all. This is not the act of a powerful country with a sound legal system.
(2) According to Chinese law, the maximum period of detention and inquiry is two months. Liu Jun has been detained for more than three months, and it is still unknown when the public trial will be held; his friends in Hong Kong estimate that Liu Jun has been detained unreasonably.
(3) Even if the CCP government believes that Liu Jun is suspected of committing a crime, it should submit a public trial as soon as possible, and protect Liu Jun's (just like any other Hong Kong citizen) relatives and friends of the right to be heard.
(4) Liu Jun should have the right to appoint a lawyer to defend himself in China.
The Hong Kong government should have the responsibility to inquire about the truth of the matter on behalf of the family members concerned about the disappearance of Hong Kong residents abroad.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
April 2, 1982
Joint statement
Standing Committee of the People's Congress of the People's Republic of China
People's Court of Guangdong Province, China
Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau, Guangdong Province, China
Dear Sirs:
Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong resident, went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981, intending to visit the family members of the arrested private publication staff.
On March 13 this year, Liu Shanqing's father personally went to the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau to inquire about his son's whereabouts. The Public Security Bureau confirmed to Liu's father: Liu was detained by the Public Security Bureau. But the public security bureau did not reveal why Liu was detained, nor did Liu's father visit him. We believe that it is reasonable and reasonable for Liu Shanqing to return to China to visit friends and should not be detained for this. If the Public Security Bureau believes that he is suspected of violating national laws, Liu's relatives and friends should also be allowed to visit him. After the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau detained Liu, they did not notify his family, which is clearly a violation of the legal system. In order to ensure that Liu Shanqing is treated fairly, we require:
(1) Immediately announce the reasons for arresting Liu, or release him.
(2) Allow Liu's relatives and friends to visit him.
(3) Even if the Chinese government believes that Liu is suspected of committing a crime, it should put forward a public trial as soon as possible, and guarantee "he has the right to defend himself or to appoint a lawyer to represent him.
April 25, 1982
signature movement
Dear Sirs
We would like Your Excellency to pay attention to a shocking matter, and we would like Your Excellency to show solidarity with a Hong Kong resident unreasonably detained by the Chinese government.
On December 25, 1981, Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing set off for Guangzhou. It is said that he wanted to visit the family members of the detained private publications, but he never returned and there was no news.
Liu's father went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau to inquire about Liu's whereabouts in March this year. He learned that Liu was detained, but was not allowed to visit Liu Shanqing. This move can not help but worry about Liu's whereabouts and the treatment he suffered.
Therefore, we drafted an open letter, solicited signatures from people from all walks of life, and submitted it to the Chinese government. I hope that Liu will be treated fairly.
The following is Liu's information and the content of the open letter.
Do not hesitate! Please help Liu Shanqingjun who was unreasonably detained!
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
China Democracy Movement Information Center
May 4, 1982
Co-signer:
Please help someone who has been unreasonably detained
Dear Sirs
We would like Your Excellency to pay attention to a shocking matter, and we would like Your Excellency to show solidarity with a Hong Kong resident unreasonably detained by the Chinese government.
On December 25, 1981, Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing set off for Guangzhou. It is said that he wanted to visit the family members of the detained private publications, but he never returned and there was no news.
Liu's father went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau to inquire about Liu's whereabouts in March this year. He learned that Liu was detained, but was not allowed to visit Liu Shanqing. This move can not help but worry about Liu's whereabouts and the treatment he suffered.
Therefore, we drafted an open letter, solicited signatures from people from all walks of life, and submitted it to the Chinese government. I hope that Liu will be treated fairly.
The following is Liu's information and the content of the open letter.
Do not hesitate! Please help Liu Shanqingjun who was unreasonably detained!
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
China Democracy Movement Information Center
May 4, 1982
(It is a cover letter to the joint open letter dated May 26)
Co-signer:
common people advertisement
open letter
To the Standing Committee of the People's Congress of the People's Republic of China
People's Court of Guangdong Province, China
Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau, Guangdong Province, China
Relevant departments of the Hong Kong government:
Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing, 29 years old, Bachelor of Science from the University of Hong Kong in 1976, formerly a sales engineer; he went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981, but he never returned, leaving his relatives and friends Friend is very worried.
On March 13 this year, Liu Jun's father personally went to the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau of Guangdong Province to inquire, and was verbally confirmed that Liu Jun had been detained. However, the Public Security Bureau refused to disclose the reason for the detention and did not allow his father to visit. We believe that the Chinese government should
(1) Notify Liu Jun's family of the place of detention;
(2) State the reasons for detaining Liu Jun;
(3) allow Liu Jun to visit relatives and friends; and:
(4) If Liu Jun is suspected of violating China's criminal law, he should submit a public trial as soon as possible, and protect Liu Jun's right to defend himself or appoint a lawyer to defend on his behalf. We also believe that the Hong Kong government has the responsibility to make inquiries on behalf of the relatives of Hong Kong residents in cases of disappearances outside Hong Kong.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
May 16, 1982
The operation to rescue Liu Shanqing will continue. We very much hope for your support. Friends who are concerned about this matter, please write to Kowloon City mailbox No. 89278 to contact us.
Express ad
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(Express, July 28, 1982)
open letter
To the Standing Committee of the People's Congress of the People's Republic of China, the People's Court of Guangdong Province, China, the Public Security Bureau of Guangzhou City, Guangdong Province, China, and the relevant departments of the Hong Kong Government:
Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing, now 29 years old, holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Hong Kong in 1976. He used to work as a sales engineer. Friend is very worried.
On March 13 this year, Liu Jun's father personally went to the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau of Guangdong Province to inquire, and was verbally confirmed that Liu Jun had been detained. However, the Public Security Bureau refused to disclose the reason for the detention and did not allow his father to visit.
We believe that the Chinese government should:
(1) Notify Liu Jun's family of the place of detention;
(2) State the reasons for detaining Liu Jun;
(3) Allow Liu Jun's relatives and friends to visit;
Also: (4) Liu Jun is suspected of violating China's criminal law, and he should submit a public trial as soon as possible, and protect Liu Jun's right to defend himself or to appoint a lawyer to defend on his behalf.
We also believe that the Hong Kong government has the responsibility to inquire on behalf of their family members about the disappearance of Hong Kong residents in other places.
July 27, 1982
Co-signer:
Jian Furong, Mo Zhaoru, Wu Lunan, *Hu Juren, He Hong, Liu Meimei, Long Bihai, Zhang Bitao, Deng Qiang, Li Jinfeng, Shi Chundun, Li Shaozhen, Hou Enyun, He Baoshan, *Umbrella, *Du Jingming, Chen Chang, Chen Baoying, Huang Ruilun, Huang Yongxiang, Shi Yongqing, Chen Shiqiang, *Wang Youming, Wu Qihong, Wu Zhongxian, Mo Shuen, Xiao Weizhen, Wu Ming, He Jiaqu, Wu Xixing, Zhong Baohong, Yu Xiong, Liu Zhongming, Yang Chaoran, Liang Guoxiong, He Liangmao, Liang Yaozhong
*(Note) Pseudonym
The rescue of Liu Shanqing will continue. We very much hope to receive assistance from all parties. Please write to Kowloon City mailbox No. 89278 to contact us if you are concerned about this.
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Appeal to all citizens of Hong Kong
Liu Shanqing, a name you are not familiar with, however, you have to pay attention, because of the unfair treatment he suffered, maybe he will come back to you someday.
On December 25 last year, he went to Guangzhou alone, hoping to visit the families of the pro-democracy activists who were arrested for promoting the country. He originally returned to Hong Kong on the 27th of the same month, but there is still no news.
Liu's father traveled everywhere for his beloved son. He personally visited Xinhua News Agency and the offices of unofficial members of the two bureaus; contacted the Hong Kong government, police station, immigration bureau, etc., but there was no help or information. In the end, he went to Guangzhou, After inquiring into the public security organs, it was confirmed that his son was arrested. When he asked what crime Liu Shanqing had committed, he was refused an answer: Liu's father repeatedly pleaded for a meeting with his son, but was coldly refused. So far, it is still impossible to know Liu Shanqing's "crime" and the forbidden location, but it is stated in Chinese law: "When the public security organ detains a person, a detention certificate must be presented. After detention, unless it hinders the investigation or cannot be notified, the detention The reason and place of detention shall be notified within 24 hours to the family members of the detainee or his unit." "Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China Chapter VI Article 43" Liu has been detained for more than 240 times. "24 hours", Liu's father also went to Guangzhou public security organs twice (in early March and mid-June) to inquire, but to no avail. What is the reason?
As a friend of Liu Shanqing, in order to protect basic human rights: people enjoy the freedom of speech and travel, we work hard to carry out rescue work. I hope you can give a helping hand and jointly safeguard the human rights that you, me, and him deserve.
We believe that the Chinese government should:
(1) Notifying Liu Jun's family of the place of detention;
(2) State the reasons for detaining Liu Jun;
(3) Allow Liu Jun's relatives and friends to visit;
(4) If Liu Jun is suspected of violating China's criminal law, he should submit a public trial as soon as possible, and protect Liu Jun's right to defend himself or appoint a lawyer to defend on his behalf.
At the same time, we also believe that the Hong Kong government has a duty to make inquiries on behalf of the relatives of Hong Kong residents in cases of disappearance of Hong Kong residents in other places.
We call on everyone to spread the word about what happened to Liu and send it to the "Standing Committee of the People's Congress of the People's Republic of China", "People's Court of Guangdong Province, China" or "Guangzhou Public Security Bureau of Guangdong Province, China" to express your concern by telegram or letter. opinion on the matter. (Please send us a copy of the letter to keep abreast of developments.)
Friends who are concerned about this, please contact us.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
September 18, 1982
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee Press Release
On October 6 this year, the Hong Kong Chief Secretary's Office wrote to the spokesman for the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" for the first time, Chen Bingnan, in response to the committee's enquiry on February 23 this year (see attached letter from the Chief Secretary's Office); once again confirmed the Hong Kong youth Liu Shanqing Was indeed arrested while traveling in China.
Liu Shanqing, a 30-year-old Hong Kong resident, worked as a sales engineer until he was arrested on a trip to China. He returned to his hometown for a trip on December 25 last year, but he has not been heard from since then, and his life and death are unknown. Later, Liu's father went to Guangzhou for inquiries, and was verbally confirmed by the Guangzhou authorities to be arrested. However, the Guangzhou authorities refused to disclose to Liu's father the details of his arrest and the law he committed, and refused to allow relatives and friends to meet Liu Shanqing.
As a friend of Liu Shanqing, and in order to protect basic human rights (people enjoy freedom of speech and travel), we worked hard to carry out rescue work. We believe:
(1) The Chinese government should officially account for Liu Jun's whereabouts. If the Chinese government believes that Liu Jun has violated Chinese law, it should publish the law he violated, his treatment, place of detention, etc.; Chinese law states: "When a public security organ detains a person, a detention certificate must be presented. Unless the circumstances are unknown, the reason for the detention and the place of detention shall be notified within 24 hours to the family members of the detainee, or the unit where he works.” (Chapter 6 of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China Article 13). Liu Jun's father went to Guangzhou twice this year in March and June, but the Guangzhou authorities refused to disclose the details of Liu Jun's detention, and refused to allow Liu's father to visit his son. We believe that this approach by the Chinese government is extremely inhumane and humane. The Chinese government should disclose the place of Liu Jun’s detention and allow Liu’s relatives and friends to visit; if the Chinese government believes that Liu has violated the law, it should immediately openly interrogate Liu Jun, and should notify Liu’s family members as soon as possible so that their relatives and friends can attend the hearing. It has been eleven months since Liu Jun disappeared. During this long period of time, the Chinese government has not been able to clearly explain the law that Liu Jun "committed". Obviously, the authorities have violated the law. And we have reason to infer that the Chinese government detained Liu Jun based on trumped-up charges; therefore, we demand that the Chinese government should release Liu Shanqing immediately.
(2) Chen Bingnan, a member of this committee, sent a letter to the relevant department of the Hong Kong government on this matter at the end of February this year, requesting to investigate Liu Jun’s whereabouts on his behalf, but the Hong Kong government did not give a general and vague reply (detained for breaking the law) after more than seven months. forwarded to the sender. We believe that the Hong Kong government has the responsibility to continue to inquire about Liu Jun's whereabouts on behalf of Liu Jun's family.
Our next step is to send letters to the relevant departments of the Chinese government and the Hong Kong government respectively, expressing the above opinions and requirements. We will continue to collect personal signatures, send letters, and personally visit various student, labor, religious, and human rights groups to discuss the rescue of Liu Shanqing. In the short term, we will promote a joint signature campaign by various groups, and will send the collected signatures (there are currently more than 300 signatures) by double registered mail to the People's Congress of the People's Republic of China for collection.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
November 7, 1982
Open letter protesting the first anniversary of Liu Shanqing's unreasonable imprisonment
protest
One Year Anniversary of Liu Shanqing's Unreasonable Imprisonment
open letter
Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981, to visit the family of the arrested editor of a private publication, and he lost his freedom after that. Liu Shanqing has been imprisoned for a year, but the Chinese government has not released the detailed reasons and circumstances of his arrest. This move is undoubtedly inappropriate in terms of law and reason, and is an act that violates Liu Jun's basic rights. Therefore, we ask the Chinese government to:
(1) Immediately release Liu Shanqing
(2) Announce the details of the arrest of Liu Shanqing
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
We urge friends who support the rescue of Liu Shanqing to contact us by writing to Kowloon City mailbox No. 89278.
Letter to Foreign Organizations (English)
Hong Kong, 30 March 1983
Dear Friends,
Ten years of imprisonment has been imposed on Liu Shan Qing, a Chinese citizen of Hong Kong, without any explicit accusation, well over fifteen months after he was arrested in December 1981. We strongly believe it is for his connection with and support to the Chinese Democracy Movement,
Verbal confirmation of the sentence was released by top officials of the Intermediate Court of Quangzhou (Canton) to Liu's father during his recent third visit to Guangzhou for his son's whereabouts since Liu was detained (the previous two visits took place in March and June last
No exact verdict was given however, nor was the actual date of the trial disclosed. The officials also added that visit by close relatives of Liu would be possible in about a month's time and that notice of the appropriate time and related instructions would be given to Liu's father through the Hong Kong government accordingly. A letter from the Hong Kong government has been received by both Liu's father and the Committee for the Rescue of Liu Shan Qing in October last year saying that, in accordance with information furnished by the Chinese government to the British embassy in Beijing (Peking), Liu was detained for "unlawful deeds "and that Liu, being a Hong Kong citizen, is also a Chinese national whose security and trial is under the sole jurisdiction of the Chinese government.
However, it is widely believed that Liu was detained and sentenced due to his continuous and active support to the Chinese Democracy Movement through his central involvement in solidarity activities in Hong Kong for the Movement.
A series of poster, signature and petition campaigns (including demonstrations at the New China News Agency, the de facto embassy of the Chinese government in Hong Kong) have been launched throughout last year urging for open trial, if not immediate release, of Liu. However, no notice whatsoever was given before or after the secret trial that has supposedly taken place recently. Liu Stan Qing, 30, a Hong Kong citizen, is a graduate of the University of Hong Kong in 1976 and a computer sales engineer before his disappearance in China during Christmas 1981.
You are earnestly urged to:
-write to the Government of the People's Republic of China urging for the immediate release of Liu Shan Qing
-organize petition actions to the Chinese embassy in your country for the same cause.
By next month, some 30 leaders of the Chinese Democracy Movement would have already been detained as two full years. All supporters for the realization of socialist democracy in China are urged to campaign for the release of the detained democracy fighters including Liu Shan Qing, Xu Wen Li, He Qiu, Wang Xi Zhe and many others. Please furnish us with a copy of any letter or report of action that have taken place in your place,
Committee for the Rescue of Liu Shan Qing
Letter to Foreign Organizations (Summary Chinese Translation)
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
Compiler
On March 30, 1983, the Committee for Rescuing Liu Shanqing sent a letter to various foreign organizations, reporting the whole story of the Liu Shanqing incident and asking for support.
The letter reported that the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court had verbally confirmed that Liu Shanqing had been sentenced to 10 years in prison, while the Hong Kong government wrote that Liu Shanqing was considered a Chinese citizen by the Chinese government and had committed "illegal acts" in the country.
Ying Liuhui believed that Liu had been detained for his long-term support of the Chinese democracy movement, and launched a series of rescue operations.
At the end of the letter, all those who support China's realization of socialist democracy are required to write to the Chinese government and petition to Chinese embassies in various countries to strive for the release of the pro-democracy fighters such as Liu Shanqing, Xu Wenli, He Qiu, and Wang Xizhe.
March 30, 1983
Press Release Regarding the Detention of Liu Shanqing
Regarding the detention of Liu Shanqing
A senior official of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court said: Liu Shanqing has recently been sentenced to ten years in prison by the Chinese government and is currently undergoing re-education through labor; the official also stated that he has yet to disclose the details of Liu's official charge and trial, and refused to allow his father to meet Liu's requirements.
However, the official also said that the Chinese authorities will announce the details of Liu's case within a month, and will, through formal diplomatic channels, notify Liu's relatives through the Hong Kong government and ask them to visit Liu Shanqing.
This news is that Liu's father was notified by the Chinese official in Guangzhou from March 24 to 25 this year. This is the third time that Liu's father has gone to Guangzhou to inquire about the development of his son's case. (The first two were in March and June last year)
Liu Shanqing was detained by the Chinese authorities when he went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981. This time Liu wanted to express his condolences to the families of pro-democracy activist Wang Xizhe and He Qiu who had been detained by the Chinese authorities for eight months.
Liu Shanqing, 30, is a Hong Kong resident. He graduated from the University of Hong Kong in 1976 with a Bachelor of Science degree. Before being detained, Liu was an electrical sales engineer.
Lau had been concerned about the future of democracy in China and the issue of civil rights in Hong Kong during his university days, and actively supported the local movement for civil rights. Since the emergence of the Chinese democracy movement in 1978, Liu has been enthusiastic support, and has discussed the future of China's democracy with Wang Xizhe and He Qiu, the now-arrested pro-democracy activists.
After Liu was detained, in addition to going to Guangzhou to make inquiries, Liu's father would entrust a Hong Kong lawyer and ask the Hong Kong government to make inquiries on his behalf. The only reply from the Chinese government was to the British ambassador in Beijing that Liu Shanqing had "violated the law" by returning to China with a return permit.
Given that the Chinese government secretly detained and sentenced Liu Shanqing to 10 years in prison, this committee requests:
(1) The Chinese government should immediately announce the details of Liu's charges and trial:
(2) The Chinese government guarantees that Liu Shanqing has the right to be visited and communicated;
(3) If the Chinese government cannot implement the above requirements, Liu Shanqing should be released immediately.
The committee plans to:
(1) Continue to inquire for details,
(2) Report on Liu's current treatment;
(3) To promote Hong Kong citizens' discussion of Liu's case, and to report the citizens' responses to the Chinese authorities;
(4) Liaise with overseas human rights and democracy activists and organizations, and push them to express their views to the Chinese government.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee April 3, 1983
To the Supreme People's Court and the Procuratorate of the People's Republic of China
President of the Supreme People's Court of the People's Republic of China:
President of the Supreme People's Procuratorate of the People's Republic of China:
Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou, China in December 1981. It has been nineteen months since he disappeared while traveling. During this long period of time, the Chinese government has not issued an official announcement about Liu Jun's whereabouts.
On the other hand, Liu Jun's family members have visited Guangzhou several times in the past 19 months. They were informed by a cadre that Liu Shanqing had been arrested by the Chinese government and sentenced to ten years of re-education through labor. However, the charges against Liu Jun are still unknown.
We believe that the reason why Liu Jun was arrested was that he was in Guangzhou visiting the families of some detained pro-democracy activists. If the Chinese government detains Liu Jun for this reason, it is a clear violation of basic human rights and ignores the people's democratic rights of speech, assembly, and association granted to them by the Constitution. Liu Shanqing's arrest is unreasonable, and his actions in the country are not sufficient to constitute a crime.
In the more than a year between the arrest of Liu Jun and his sentencing, the authorities did not announce the charges against Liu Jun or notify Liu Jun's family. Liu Jun has never been publicly interrogated, nor has he had the opportunity to publicly defend himself, but was sentenced to ten years in prison in secret. Liu Jun was deprived of his constitutional right to public trial and public defense. The way the authorities dealt with Liu Jun is a serious violation of the Chinese Constitution.
From the above, we believe that the case of Liu Shanqing is an unjust case, which is not uncommon in China, especially during the turmoil of the decade. This is recognized by the Chinese government. From various reports, the Chinese government is trying to set things right and try to vindicate these unjust cases. This is what the Chinese people want to see. We hope that the Liu Shanqing case will not repeat the same mistakes and become a new unjust case, and will be dealt with legally.
The Sixth National People's Congress of China recently opened. The Chinese government declared that the meeting was successfully concluded, and our country's democracy and legal system took another step forward. The Chinese government also assured the Chinese living in Hong Kong that the opinions of Hong Kong people will be respected; and that Hong Kong people will enjoy democracy and freedom. We believe that if our government wants the people to believe it, it must respect the Constitution and act in accordance with the law.
For the above reasons, we request the Chinese government to:
(1) Immediately announce the relevant details of the Liu Shanqing case:
(2) Reversing the case, rehabilitating and releasing Liu Shanqing.
Overwhelm this enterprise
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
July 28, 1983
Appeal letter (183 people signed)
This emergency joint signature is what moved me the most. It is the only one with Tang Wanqing's name on it.
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To the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the People's Congress of the People's Republic of China
Prime Minister of the State Council of the People's Republic of China
President of the Supreme People's Court of the People's Republic of China
Regarding Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court, we believe that it is not a crime for Liu Jun to visit the family members of those arrested for folk dance publications. Now the authorities do not disclose his common feelings and "accuses" and sentence him to prison, which is not in line with the democratic legal system. Therefore, we require
(1) Immediately release Liu Shanqing
(2) Announce all the facts of the Liu Shanqing case
(3) You currently have the right to be visited and communicated.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
July 29, 1983
emergency joint
Chen Guoxi, Yang Shaoxiong, Chen Shunxin, Wu Zhongsheng, Chen Peiwen, Lin Zhaohuan, Xian Yaoyao
Zhong Qifeng, Mo Qinglian, Wang Huiling, Jiang Qiongzhu, Ma Cuifen, Liang Nianhong, Tan Baohong
Guo Kaiyi, Wen Huasheng, Lin Xiaolun, Chen Tianxing, Chen Baoxun, Xie Shufen, He Chang?
Huang Jiabao, Li Hongluan, Cheng Lesun, Li Zhimin, Huang Kezhen, Lu Lin, Shen Mingye
Ye Zhiguang, Fang Binbin, Xu Baoqiang, Liu Tingfu, Lin Wei, Pan Yongzhong, Wu Xuanren
Lai Yuanping, Xu Muzhen, Li Weineng, Xiao Fusheng, Liu Guoying, Wu Yuguang, Zhang Mingde
Chen Fenyi, Guan Yanxia, Liao Weilong, Liang Ronghui, Lu Chengyuan, Liu Yufan, Liang Guowei
Guo Yuren, Kwong Jinyuan, Tan Zhihua, Lu Jinghua, Lao Shansheng, Yuan Zanwei, Qi Xia
Shen Zhiming, Wang Jianlong, Liu Wanfang, Yin Ben, He Baichang, Luo Wanyi, Wu Xiang
Cai Zhenxing, Li Weijia, Pang Ruilan, Lin Wanling, Yin Shaoping, Zhou Zhiqiang, Liao Peilin
Wu Muzi, Mo Zhaoru, Xiao Liangwen, He Xiaoling, Lin Jinwei, Huang Renkui, Zeng Shaosong
Xie Zhaoqi, Li Jikun, Gao Mulian, Zhou Lihui, Xu Zhongmin, Chen Deming, Xu Yaosheng
Xu Guohua, Shen Guoxiang, Lin Jinbiao, Du Cheng, Deng Xingcheng, Chen Ziqiang, Liang Yaozhong
Zeng Hanqiu, Huang Huijuan, Pi Ziqiang, He Baoshan, Lou Zichun, Li Peiling, Liu Xishan
Wu Hongsheng, Chen Weilin, Liang Guoxiong, Zheng Rongji, Zhong Zhiming, Chen Shiqiang, Zheng Guocheng
Liu Zilian, Xu Weiyang, Li Cheng, Wu Zhongxian, Zhang Ming, Guo Daji, He Tong
Lei Si, Liang Zongxing, Liang Jia, Li Jinfeng, Feng Qixuan, Chen Baoying, Lu Ren
He Hong, Wu Xiaozhu, Zhang Kai, Li Qiang, Deng Qingquan, Duff, He Xiang
Ouyang Jiong, Jun Xing, Chen Huifang, Huang Yongxiang, Tang Wanqing, Li Shaozhen, Li Si
Tang De, Yokoyama Masao, Huang Shuxian, Chen Junwei
Groundbreaking Press
War News Publishing House
Hong Kong's Action to Support Chinese Writers
Madman Culture
Pioneer Society
October Review
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An appeal letter to the deputies of the Hong Kong and Macao people's congresses and members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
Jun Jian, deputy to the People's Congress of the Hong Kong and Macao regions of the People's Republic of China and member of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference:
Mrs. Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong resident, has been arrested in Guangzhou since late December 1981. I forgive you for hearing about it. Since his arrest, our classmates Liu Jun and friends in Hong Kong have formed a rescue committee to seek the reasons for Liu Jun's arrest and call on the relevant Chinese authorities to handle Liu's case in the spirit of the rule of law to ensure Liu Jun's legal rights. charge. It is a pity that despite many efforts, including through the diplomatic channels of the Hong Kong management, a registered letter was sent to the top leaders of our country: asking the Xinhua News Agency of Hong Kong to forward the letter of appeal signed by Hong Kong people, etc., and even pushing for Amnesty International to make amnesty requests and inquiries. The Chinese University of Hong Kong Student Union's cross-strait people's livelihood comparison group sent letters in Beijing to ask questions, all of which were not taken seriously by the authorities, and explained the principles of implementing the spirit of the legal system!
For the above process, it is enough to jeopardize the confidence of our people living in Hong Kong to modernize our country and implement the legal system. At the same time, it makes us deeply doubt the sincerity of the promise of "Hong Kong law governing Hong Kong". The so-called mother law is not enforced, so what is the use of the child law!
Liu Junnian is young and strong, full of ideals, even if he is dissatisfied with the authorities, he is nothing more than a small responsibility for the future of our country's democratization. It has definitely increased unabated, making Hong Kong people even more gloomy about the future.
Your Excellency is a deputy to the Hong Kong People's Congress/CPPCC member, you should fully understand the situation in Hong Kong, and you should have an independent view on the domestic handling of Liu Shanqing's case. I believe that the basic requirements of the entire process of publishing Liu's case as soon as possible are the same as we dare to say.
Therefore, we urge all of you to convey the letter of appeal from people from all walks of life in Hong Kong with the sincerity of your new post, so as to fulfill the responsibility of communicating the opinions of the people in the Mainland and Hong Kong. This is a request, which we sincerely and sincerely do not ask for; I think that in the past, there were those who were appointed to patrol people who did not hesitate to investigate the people's injustice. Everyone in modern society, dare to believe that they will not abandon this matter as if they were abandoned!
Shun Song
occupational safety
On the committee to rescue Liu Shanqing
July 29, 1983
The truth emerges
To the Ministry of Public Security of China to request a thorough investigation into the Liu Shanqing incident
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Demand a thorough investigation into the Liu Shanqing incident
Whistleblower: According to the information obtained by our group in Hong Kong, the Ministry of Justice of China handled a political case last year, but the way it handled it and the judicial procedures it followed were incomprehensible, which made people from all walks of life overseas. , is deeply dissatisfied for the following reasons:
Liu Shanqing, a citizen born in Hong Kong, in his thirties, graduated from the University of Hong Kong and worked as an engineer. He returned to China for a trip in December 1981, but has been missing since then. Afterwards, Liu's family pursued it many times. After several encounters, they learned that he had been arrested in April 1982, and in May 1983, he was charged with "counter-revolutionary" and sentenced to ten years in prison. However, so far, Liu's family has not been able to visit and communicate with him. Regardless of whether he has solid evidence or not, the Chinese judiciary seems to have detained the suspect for longer than the criminal law in the process of handling the case, and his family has not been informed of where Liu is and what he has committed for a long time. Liu Zhi was arrested, and his family was not informed about the trial, so that the whole case remains unknown to this day, which also undermines the principle of public trial. Therefore, the delegation hereby appeals to the Chinese judicial authorities on this occasion:
1. Immediately publicize the entire case of Liu Shanqing's arrest and sentence;
2. Immediately restore Liu Shanqing's rights to communicate and be visited in prison;
3. Thoroughly investigate whether the relevant judicial organs have genuinely granted necessary and reasonable rights to suspects and relevant persons in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution when handling the case.
The incident of Liu Shanqing has now attracted the attention of Hong Kong compatriots and international friends. When China is striving for a comprehensive rule of law, the Chinese judiciary has a real responsibility to clarify the origin of the case and pursue necessary responsibilities, so as to explain the responsibility of people from all walks of life at home and abroad. , the concerns of compatriots from all walks of life.
Sincerely,
Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau to Chinese Ministry of Public Security
The Chinese University of Hong Kong Student Union
Cross-Strait Life Comparison Tour (1983)
Yours sincerely
Correspondence Office: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Student Union
Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Reply to CUHK Student Union
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Law Wing Sang, Student Union of The Chinese University of Hong Kong:
I recently received a letter from you that was forwarded by the relevant department. Regarding the questions raised in the letter regarding the Liu Shanqing case, the reply is as follows:
1. Liu Shanqing was prosecuted by the Guangzhou City Procuratorate for the crime of counter-revolution. After the court accepted the case, a collegial panel was formed in accordance with the law, and a public trial was held on February 7, 1983. After the trial, it was found that: the defendant For the purpose of counter-revolution, Liu Shanqing colluded with He and other counter-revolutionaries, viciously attacked China's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, resisted and undermined the implementation of state laws and decrees, and attempted to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system. , has constituted the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda, the facts are clear, and the evidence is conclusive. Based on the facts, nature, circumstances and degree of harm of Liu Shanqing's crime, this court has followed Articles 90, 102, 5 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China. According to Article 12, the defendant Liu Shanqing was sentenced to 10 years in prison and deprived of his political rights for three years. After the first-instance judgment, the defendant Liu Shanqing refused to accept it and filed an appeal. The Guangdong Provincial Higher People's Court held the final trial of the second instance: the appeal was dismissed and the original verdict was upheld. .
2. Liu Shanqing's meetings and communications during detention and serving his sentence shall be handled by the detention center and the labor reform department in accordance with regulations. It is reported that Liu Shanqing's mother went to meet Liu Shanqing in prison.
3. The investigation, prosecution and trial of Liu Shanqing's counter-revolutionary case were all conducted in accordance with the Criminal Law and Criminal Procedure Law of our country, which ensured the legal rights of the defendant, and there was no illegal problem. Please do not hesitate.
this over,
Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Reception Room.
August 10, 1983
(Note)
Article 90 Actions that endanger the People's Republic of China with the aim of overthrowing the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system are all counter-revolutionary crimes.
Article 102 Whoever commits any of the following acts for the purpose of counter-revolution shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not more than five years, criminal detention, public surveillance or deprivation of political rights; ringleaders or other serious crimes shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not less than five years;
(1) Inciting the masses to resist or undermine the implementation of state laws and decrees;
(2) Using counter-revolutionary slogans, leaflets or other methods to publicize and incite the overthrow of the political power and socialist system of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Article 52 Counter-revolutionaries shall be additionally deprived of their political rights. For criminals who seriously disrupt social order, political rights can also be attached when necessary.
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Wen Wei Po reported the incident for the first time on September 8.
CUHK Student Union CUHK Student Union Newsletter
Newsletter
page 1, page 2
At the beginning of June this year, the "Cross-Strait People's Livelihood Comparison Group" organized by the Student Union of the Chinese University of Hong Kong visited Beijing and asked the relevant public security officers about the detention and sentence of Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing while traveling in China, and requested that a report be forwarded. Letter to the Ministry of Public Security of the People's Republic of China asking for details of the matter. The Association recently received a reply from the Guangzhou Municipal Intermediate People's Court (see attachment), confirming that Liu Shanqing has been sentenced to prison, and the charges and terms of his sentence have also been announced, and briefly disclosed other circumstances.
This is the first official written response from the Chinese authorities to inquiries about civil rights and the legal system. In order to let people from all walks of life who are concerned about Liu Shanqing also know the situation, the reply letter is now announced. The Student Union has also sent letters to relevant units to express their gratitude for their cooperation.
The Student Union believes that the establishment of the legal system is based on the principles of fairness, reasonable procedures, and openness, and therefore hopes to continue to know the situation of other people concerned. Details are under negotiation.
The Chinese University of Hong Kong Student Union
September 6, 1983
appendix
The Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China was passed on July 1, 1979
Article 90 Actions that endanger the People's Republic of China with the aim of overthrowing the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system are all counter-revolutionary crimes.
Article 102 Whoever commits any of the following acts for the purpose of counter-revolution shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not more than five years, criminal detention, public surveillance or deprivation of political rights; ringleaders or other serious crimes shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not less than five years;
(1) Inciting the masses to resist or undermine the implementation of state laws and decrees;
(2) Using counter-revolutionary slogans, leaflets or other methods to publicize and incite the overthrow of the political power and socialist system of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Article 52 Counter-revolutionaries shall be additionally deprived of their political rights. For criminals who seriously disrupt social order, political rights can also be attached when necessary.
PS According to the above-mentioned charges, the report of a newspaper that Liu Shanqing was accused of subverting the government and organizing a group is untrue.
Our Attitude (Camp Liu Club Statement)
Regarding the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court's reply letter to the Chinese University Student Union, our attitude is as follows:
1. The letter pointed out that the Liu Shanqing case was "opened to trial", which we believe is doubtful. Because even Liu Shanqing's close relatives didn't know anything about it beforehand, so they couldn't attend the audition. At the same time, this case is a public trial; in other words, its trial records should be made public to the public and are not state secrets. Therefore, we request the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court to disclose the entire process of the case.
2. The letter mentions the charges against Liu Shanqing and the basis for sentencing, but only the contents of Articles 90 and 102 of the Chinese Criminal Law are used as charges. Regarding Liu Shanqing's criminal facts and evidence, no specific evidence was presented at all. For example, the letter states that Liu Shanqing "viciously attacked our country's socialist system" and "wanted counter-revolutionary propaganda," but it did not say what he said, when or where he carried out these activities. Therefore, the so-called "facts are clear and the evidence is conclusive" is not true.
3. Liu Shanqing was accused of "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement". We believe that Chinese citizens enjoy the freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association, demonstration and procession in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. No Chinese citizen (including Chinese residing in Hong Kong) should be held criminally responsible for their speech and thoughts.
We believe that freedom of thought and speech is a fundamental right that society should grant every citizen. Therefore, it is not good for our country and the people of Hong Kong that Liu Shanqing and other pro-democracy activists are imprisoned for exercising this right. Therefore, we call on all Hong Kong citizens to show solidarity with Liu Shanqing, and demand that the Chinese authorities publish the full case of Liu Shanqing and release Liu Shanqing!
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
September 18, 1983
Quartet echoes
Camp Liu's letter to Amnesty International
COMMITTEE FOR THE RESCUE OF LIU SHAN QING (H. K.)
KOWLOON CITY PO BOX 89278
30th September, 1983.
The General Secretary,
Amnesty International,
10 Southampton Street, London WC2E7HF, England.
Dear Friend,
We are writing to thank you for your organisation's concern with the case of Liu Shan Qing who has been adopted as a prisoner of conscience by AI.
We are sending you some newspaper-cuttings in connection with Lau. For the first time, we in Hong Kong have got confirmation from the authorities in China that Lau has been imprisoned for non-violent political activities viz. visiting members of the Chinese Democracy Movement . This official acknowledgement came in the form of a letter to the president of the Students' Union of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. We have translated the letter which is duly enclosed.
We certainly would appreciate your continuing effort in securing the release of Liu Shan Qing.
Yours sincerely,
Lee Yu See
Letter to Amnesty International (Chinese translation)
Compiler
Dear friends:
You pay attention to the Liu Shanqing incident and define him as a prisoner of conscience. Now send in the clippings about the incident. Chinese authorities have only recently admitted for the first time that he was jailed for nonviolent political behavior. He is said to have visited Chinese pro-democracy activists. China officially informed the above situation in a reply letter to the President of the Chinese University of Hong Kong Student Union. An English translation of the letter is attached herewith.
We hope that you will continue to work hard to release Liu Shanqing.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
September 30, 1983
The University of Hong Kong Students' Union National Affairs Association overthrew Liu Hui
Members of the Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee:
We have received your letter and form. We generally think your actions and demands are reasonable, and have shown them to some students.
However, because this association and other institutions have also made discussions and efforts on this issue, we hope that we will act in the name of the academic community. Due to the tacit understanding with various institutions, we hope to have more contacts and exchanges with your association, but it is impossible to act in concert with your association. We ask for your understanding, and on possible days, and hope to discuss the issue privately with your association and present your work separately.
Wish you the best at work!
Tel: 5-468414
Hong Kong University Students' Union National Affairs Association
Li Shaoji
Joint Statement by the Federation of Students, HKU, and CUHK
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President of the Higher People's Court of Guangdong Province:
President of Guangzhou Municipal Intermediate People's Court:
Director of Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau:
Director of Guangzhou Municipal Bureau of Labor Reconstruction:
After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, the Communist Party of China and the government absorbed the lessons of "lawlessness" during the Cultural Revolution, and began to attach importance to socialist democracy and the legal system. Although we are overseas, we are pleased with the progress of our country. However, under this general trend, we can still see some areas that need to be improved.
For example, the arrest and sentence of Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing (Note) in China has aroused overseas attention, and the discussion with some people who are concerned about China's legal system has also caused panic and doubts among some people who do not know the inside information. After collecting some information, we feel that there are not enough facts at present, so it is inconvenient to make a rash judgment on Liu Shanqing's personal behavior. However, we feel that it is still debatable about the way part of this case is handled.
Here, we only make the following comments on the letter dated August 10, 1983 from the Reception Room of the Guangzhou Municipal Intermediate People's Court to Law Wing-sang of the Chinese University Students' Union (hereinafter referred to as "Luo Xin"):
one. public trial
"Luo Xin" said that Liu's case had been "opened for trial on February 7, 1983," which indicated that the trial was open to spectators. However, as far as we know, Liu Shanqing's parents were not informed of the date and location of the public trial beforehand, so they were unable to attend.
We feel that the significance of public trials is to give the people the opportunity to supervise state organs, and it is also an excellent form of legal education for the people. As the relatives of the defendant, they have the right to observe the incident afterwards. Since they are abroad, it is only reasonable that the court should try to inform them of the date and place of the public trial.
two. criminal facts
"Luo Xin" pointed out that the "facts are clear and the evidence is conclusive" in Liu's case, and the Intermediate People's Court tried it "on the basis of Liu Shanqing's criminal facts". This shows that the country's legal system has indeed improved. However, we know that Liu Shanqing's parents have not yet been informed of the criminal facts and evidence about Liu Shanqing, and when the relevant public security bureau personnel were asked to tell the details, they only answered "ask your son yourself."
We believe that "Luo Xin" has pointed out that "the investigation and prosecution of Liu Shanqing's counter-revolutionary case were conducted in accordance with my country's criminal law and criminal procedure law, which ensured the legal rights of the defendant, and there was no illegal problem." This shows that the Intermediate People's Court The trial was conducted "on the basis of facts and with the law as the criterion." In addition, according to the Criminal Procedure Law, the public trial has shown that the case is not "relevant to state secrets or personal privacy" and that there is no confidentiality issue. Therefore, as Liu Shanqing's family, they should have the right to know the facts of Liu's crime. Furthermore, when a classmate from a Hong Kong academia visited the Intermediate People's Court in mid-September this year, relevant court officials also stated that the prisoner's family has the right to read the judgment. Therefore, it is advisable for the relevant units to provide specific facts to ease overseas doubts.
three. Right to meet and communicate
"Luoxin" stated that "Liu Shanqing's meetings and communications during detention and serving his sentence will be handled by the detention center and the labor reform department in accordance with regulations." However, we learned that Liu Shanqing's parents were only told that Liu Shanqing would be sent to a labor camp, and then they could communicate with each other before they could visit again. The original text of these provisions was not informed.
We feel that Liu's parents have the right to know the specific regulations on meeting and communication, and the relevant units have the responsibility to protect their rights.
Based on the above comments, we put forward two requests, hoping that the relevant units will provide convenience to resolve the doubts in our hearts.
one. Let Liu Shanqing's family read the judgment, or release the specific facts of the case to the outside world. Just like the usual practice of detailing the case in newspapers after cracking spy cases in the Soviet Union and Taiwan in the past.
two. Inform Liu Shanqing's family of the specific regulations and relevant provisions on the right to meet and visit.
Finally, we would like to state that this letter has absolutely nothing to do with Liu Shanqing's parents. We also sincerely hope that Liu Shanqing and his family will not cause any inconvenience due to this letter.
wish
Socialist democracy and legal system are more perfect!
Hong Kong Federation of Post-Secondary Students' Association National Committee
Hong Kong University Students' Union National Affairs Association
The Chinese University of Hong Kong Student Union Guo Shi Society
December 1983
(Copy to: Legal Committee of National People's Congress, Legal Committee of Guangdong Provincial People's Congress, Legal Committee of Guangzhou Municipal People's Congress, Guangdong Provincial People's Procuratorate, Guangzhou Municipal People's Procuratorate)
(Note) Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, about 30 years old, graduated from the University of Hong Kong and disappeared in December 1981 due to a domestic trip. After his family went to the Guangzhou Public Prosecution and Law Unit for inquiries four times, and after several setbacks, they learned that Liu Shanqing had been arrested and arranged to meet Liu Shanqing in the detention center.
Letter to the Premier of the State Council and the Supreme People's Court
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Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China
Supreme People's Court of the People's Republic of China:
According to the Guangzhou Municipal Intermediate People's Court's reply to the Chinese University Student Union, we have the following opinions on Liu Shanqing's ten-year sentence:
As to whether Liu Shanqing was "opened to trial", we are very suspicious, and even Liu Jun's family did not help him beforehand, which shows that the society is well aware. Therefore, we demand that all the trial records of Liu's case be immediately published, including: the investigation process, the indictment, the court records of the whole case, and the verdict, etc., in order to comply with the rigorous spirit of the legal system, and cannot be described by copying the same charges in the Criminal Law. as an explanation.
Regarding the court's reply, although Liu Jun was accused of the so-called "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement crime", he did not disclose specific evidence directly, and whether the evidence was true and reasonable remains to be seen from facts. Unfortunately, the most convincing part of the letter is given to Jueru. Therefore, Liu Jun's conviction did not convince the society.
According to the current constitution, citizens have the freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association, procession and demonstration. At the same time, according to the "United Nations Declaration of Human Rights" that China has agreed to sign, the basic rights of people of all countries are also mentioned. Therefore, we believe that China should never convict Chinese citizens and compatriots in Hong Kong and Macau on issues such as speech and thought.
Therefore, we require the authorities to:
(1) Publish all legal records of the Liu case;
(2) Cancel the "crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement", rehabilitate him, and release Liu Jun.
November 20, 1983
Poster of the third anniversary of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment
Longing for Shenzhou, the road to prison is cold
The mountain green is always there, never falling into the cold glow
The Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China:
President of the Supreme People's Court of the People's Republic of China:
protest
Chinese government unreasonably sentenced to ten years in prison!
Immediately release Liu Shanqing
Today marks the third anniversary of the arrest of Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, by the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau. This Association considers it necessary to reiterate to you our protest against Liu Shanqing's unreasonable sentence of ten years in prison, and to state our strong demands.
We believe that the case of Liu Shanqing is by no means a public trial, but a secret trial. Because before the trial of Liu's case, Liu Shanqing's family was not notified to go to the hearing. Furthermore, all the trial records of Liu's case are not made public. The so-called public interrogation is actually just a cover-up!
Moreover, according to the "crimes" stated by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court, Liu Shanqing did not commit the so-called "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement crime. First of all, the so-called crimes listed by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court are only a repetition of Article 102 of the Chinese Criminal Law. That's all, there is no specific crime facts. If there is no "criminal evidence", how can Liu Shanqing be convicted? At the same time, according to the Chinese Criminal Law, Chinese citizens enjoy freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association, demonstration, procession, etc., even if Liu Shanqing Contact with editors and family members of domestic private publications should not constitute the crime of "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement."
Therefore, this Association reiterates the following requests to you: (-) to publish all the facts of Liu Shanqing's case; (2) to release Liu Shanqing immediately and rehabilitate him
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
December 24, 1984
Printed by the Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
January 1985
Request the Chinese government to release Liu Shanqing (press release)
The statement, which follows the actions of eight religious groups in September, was not immediately released. The groups at that time were: Hong Kong Association of Community Organizations, Christian Industry Council, Federation of Catholic Colleges and Universities, Federation of Workers and Youths, Malinois Justice and Peace Committee, Milan Society Concern Group, Kwai Chung New Area Grassroots Group, Christian Student Movement Concern China Group.
They received support from five organizations, namely, the Social Affairs Committee of the Baptist Student Union, the New Youth Society, the New Women's Association, the International Catholic Student Movement Asia Office, and the Hong Kong Social Workers General Union, and held a press conference on December 30. Yes, it will attract media coverage.
This is the first group willing to come out in solidarity, and it has a story. Father Gan has been running to sue me since I was recruited, but no group wants to be famous. One day, he went to Sau Mau Ping to meet the person in charge of the Workers' Youth Federation. He was a little surprised that the other party said he could sign it. With the first group, other groups joined in one after another. This person is Tang Weiqing!
Demand the Chinese government to release Liu Shanqing
Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing, now 31 years old, holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Hong Kong in 1976 and was previously a sales engineer. He went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981, and was arrested by the Chinese Public Security Bureau while traveling in China. At first, the Public Security Bureau refused to disclose the reason for the detention, and later learned that Liu Jun was accused of "violating Article 12 of the Criminal Law and engaging in counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. He was sentenced to ten years in prison and deprived of political rights for three years."
The incident caused a lot of reactions in Hong Kong and overseas, and it was generally believed that the arrest lacked sufficient factual basis and the sentence was too severe. Recently, a letter signed by eight Hong Kong delegations was sent to relevant departments including the Guangzhou Court of China, the Hong Kong Branch of Xinhua News Agency, and Ji Pengfei, Director of the Hong Kong and Macau General Office. So far, there has been no reply.
In the past three years, Liu has only been allowed to communicate with his family members in Hong Kong once every three months or so. According to Liu's father, he visited Liu Shanqing once in a prison on the outskirts of Guangzhou in several months, and it is believed that Liu is still detained there.
As a part of Hong Kong society, I would like to express my opinion on this incident:
(1) The circumstances of the case are not serious, so why should it be severely sentenced.
It is understood that Liu Shanqing only expressed his concerns and opinions on the future of democracy in China and the situation of the families of those arrested by the pro-democracy movement. He should not have been sentenced to ten years in prison and deprived of political rights for three years.
(2) It is a social reform, not a counter-revolution.
In fact, Liu Shanqing actively participated in the society in Hong Kong, carried out reforms, participated in night school work for workers successively, supported the teachers and students of Jinxi Middle School in their struggle for school resumption, and supported Yau Ma Tei Typhoon Shelter boat owners in their righteous demands for landing. Shi is keen on the work of advancing society, and it would be unreasonable to say that he committed a crime of counter-revolution.
(3) He has been detained for three years, seeking amnesty.
Counting from the period of arrest, Liu Shanqing has been detained and lost his freedom for three years. Even if he commits minor negligence, the punishment should be sufficient. Moreover, Article 102 of the Criminal Law is extremely ambiguous. We request the Chinese government to pardon Liu Shanqing as soon as possible, so that the He returned to Hong Kong to reunite with his family and continue his meaningful social engagement.
December 30, 1984
Affiliated groups:
Hong Kong Association of Community Organizations, Christian Industry Council, Federation of Catholic Tertiary and Tertiary Institutions, Federation of Workers' Youth, Marino Justice and Peace Committee, Milan Society Concern Group, Kwai Chung New Area Grassroots Group, Christian Student Movement Concern about China Group
(other groups)
(Our opinion is hoped to be signed by your organization so that it can be resubmitted to the relevant Chinese authorities for consideration and release Liu Shanqing as soon as possible.)
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Poster of the fourth anniversary of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment
Fourth anniversary of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment
Open Letter to the Chinese Government
The Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China:
President of the Supreme People's Court of the People's Republic of China:
On the fourth anniversary of the arrest of Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing by the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau, the Association believes that it is necessary to reiterate our strong protest against Liu Shanqing's sentence; and re-emphasize our demands.
According to the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court's reply to the CUHK Student Union, Liu Shanqing's alleged crime of "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement" is only Article 102 of the Chinese Criminal Law, and it does not list any other "criminal" facts. Since there is no evidence of guilt, how can Liu Shanqing be punished and punished?
We believe that since the trial of Liu Shanqing's case began, the trial records and other documents have not been made public, which further proves that this case was by no means a public trial, and was truly a secret persecution trial. It must be emphasized that, according to the provisions of the Chinese Constitution, Chinese citizens enjoy freedom of speech, publication, assembly and association, demonstrations, and parades. Therefore, Liu Shanqing's contact with editors of domestic private publications and their families does not constitute the so-called "crime of "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement", but the rights of the Chinese people.
Therefore, just as editors of domestic private publications should not be sentenced to prison for exercising the above rights, Liu Shanqing should not be sentenced to ten years in prison for this.
When the discussion of the Basic Law of Hong Kong starts this year, citizens are more concerned about basic human rights and freedoms, and more and more social and academic groups are paying attention to this incident and taking action. I believe you must not turn a deaf ear and keep Liu Shanqing in jail.
For the above reasons, in addition to our protest against Liu's case, we reiterate the following demands to you:
(1) Announce all the facts of the Liu Shanqing case
(2) Immediately release Liu Shanqing and rehabilitate him
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
December 25, 1985
Printed by the Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
February 1986
December signed letter (front)
Pentagram stamp
PRINTED MATTER
printed matter
People's Republic of China
Beijing State Council Office
Premier Zhao Ziyang
Wronged Prisoner·Joint Rescue
Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, is 34 years old. He was detained on December 5, 1982 when he went to Guangzhou to visit the families of arrested pro-democracy activists. In February 1983, the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court revealed that he had been sentenced to ten years in prison for "counter-revolutionary crimes". In the same year, Amnesty International listed him as a prisoner of conscience and called for a worldwide rescue.
During Liu Shanqing's studies at the University of Hong Kong, he has actively cared about the society and participated in the movement for citizens' rights. After graduating, he founded the "New Youth Society" with his friends, dedicated to educating workers to understand the society and to join the social movement. At the end of 1978, a democratic movement arose in our country, and people all over the country started newspapers, formed associations, and advocated democracy. Liu Shanqing, in the spirit of participating in the promotion of democratization of our country, has communicated with the mainland pro-democracy activists many times. In April 1981, the authorities cracked down on the pro-democracy movement and arrested pro-democracy activists from all over the country. In the same year, Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou to visit the families of He Qiu and Wang Xizhe, which resulted in the aforementioned unjust imprisonment.
Liu Shanqing was imprisoned for ten years, apparently because of his active support of the pro-democracy movement. Compatriots, without democracy, there will be no modernization! The early realization of democracy is the common aspiration of our people and Hong Kong compatriots. Democracy activists running magazines and forming associations to fight for democracy are both legitimate acts of exercising their rights and obligations of our citizens. Liu Shanqing's support for his actions is by no means a counter-revolutionary crime, but an act worthy of the approval of every citizen. Fellow compatriots, please do not remain silent about Liu Shanqing's injustice, please sign the joint letter on the back, and take concrete actions to rescue the prisoner of conscience who is imprisoned for democracy, Liu Shanqing of Hong Kong.
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
December 20, 1986
December signed letter (back)
Please sign to support!
Liu Shanqing
I agree with the opinions and requirements of the statement
sign:
Initiating group: Committee to rescue Liu Shanqing
co-signature solidarity action
Rescuing prisoner of conscience Liu Shanqing
His Excellency Zhao Ziyang of the State Council of the People's Republic of China:
In my opinion, according to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China: "Chinese citizens enjoy freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association, demonstration, and procession." Historical experience shows that without political democratization, there will be no four modernizations.
Therefore, the Chinese democracy movement advocates to publish publications to discuss the country's status and promote political democratization. It is in line with China's national conditions and interests, and it is also the basic civil rights conferred by the Constitution.
Similarly, Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, communicated with Chinese pro-democracy activists, and supported the development of the pro-democracy movement, which is completely legal and should not be charged with "counter-revolutionary" and secretly sentenced to ten years in prison.
In this regard, I am very earnest and make the following requests to you:
1. Immediately release Liu Shanqing and rehabilitate him.
2. Publish all the facts of the unjust case;
3. Ensure that Liu Shanqing's relatives and friends have the right to visit.
December 1986 in Hong Kong
Letter to the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau and the Higher People's Court
To the Labour Reform Bureau of Guangdong Provincial Public Security Department:
Guangdong Higher People's Court:
We are representatives of 15 groups in Hong Kong and have always been concerned about the arrest of Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing in Guangzhou in late December 1981. Liu was convicted in 1983 of "violating Article 102 of the Criminal Law, engaging in counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, sentenced to ten years in prison and deprived of political rights for three years."
The incident has aroused the attention of the people of Hong Kong, and our group is particularly concerned about it, because Liu Shanqing has participated in many social reform actions with us. For example: in 1975, the residents of the wooden huts in Ngau Chi Wan sought to live in public housing estates; in 1976, they worked in a night school for workers; Boat households tried to get ashore, and in 1981, he visited the Mazaikeng fire victims who had been sleeping rough on the street for six months...etc. It fully shows that Liu is keen on the work that pushes the society forward.
During his five long years in prison, only his father's visit has provided him with spiritual support. Liu's father is currently ill, so it is extremely hoped that his son will be released as soon as possible. We also hope that he can be reunited with his family as soon as possible and continue to participate in meaningful social service. This time we are here to:
(1) Ask the Guangzhou Court about Liu's opportunity to return to Hong Kong as soon as possible
(2) The Provincial Public Security Bureau will arrange for us to visit him
Signatories: Hong Kong Christian Industry Council, Hong Kong Federation of Catholic Tertiary Institutions, Workers' Youth Federation, Maryknoll Justice and Peace Committee, Milan Society Concern Society Group, Kwai Chung New District Christian Grassroots Group, New Youth Society, Christian Student Movement Concern China Group, Hong Kong Catholic Justice and Peace Committee, Hong Kong Catholic Youth Federation, New Women's Association, International Catholic Student Movement Asia Secretariat, Grassroots Cultural Center, Baptist Student Union Social Affairs Committee, St. Yunxian Church Peace Group.
December 22, 1986
Representatives of 15 groups went to Guangzhou to inquire about the Liu Shanqing incident
Representatives of 15 groups went to Guangzhou
Inquire about the Liu Shanqing Incident Symposium
Today is the five-year anniversary of Liu Shanqing's arrest in Guangzhou. He is still serving his sentence in Meixian No. 3 Prison after being sentenced to ten years in prison.
Fifteen of our groups will go to Xinhua News Agency Hong Kong Branch on the 12th of this month to request arrangements to visit Liu Shanqing in Guangzhou. Three of the representatives have been to Guangzhou from the 21st to the 23rd of this month. our target is:
1. We will be arranged by the Provincial Public Security Bureau to see Mrs. Liu
2 Inquiry to the Guangzhou Court regarding Liu's opportunity to return to Hong Kong as soon as possible
Regarding the request for visits, we asked the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau's Labor Reform Bureau. After a day of deliberation, their answer was that according to the laws of the People's Republic of China, non-inmates' immediate family members are not allowed to visit. The reason is that if ordinary friends are allowed to visit, many people will go there in the name of friends, which may greatly increase the workload of the relevant departments. Liu Shanqing has now served five years in prison, which is exactly half of his sentence. According to the regulations of the Labor Reform Bureau, he will have the opportunity to have his sentence reduced, but he must meet certain conditions. However, the spokesman did not explain what a certain condition is. Instruct us to go to the Guangdong Provincial Higher People's Court to inquire, because the power to release prisoners belongs to the provincial court.
At the Provincial High People's Court, the spokesperson welcomed our inquiries. We ask the following five questions:
1. Opportunity for retrial. His reply was that prisoners who were sentenced had the right to appeal even if their appeals failed. You can apply by yourself or with a Chinese lawyer.
2 Can I ask a Hong Kong lawyer to handle it? The answer is yes. The lawyer can apply by letter in Hong Kong or go to Guangzhou in person. As for whether a Hong Kong lawyer can visit him in prison, it will be decided after consultation with the person in charge. And ask us to write to the court and they will reply in writing.
3. Regarding the chance to rehabilitate Liu Shanqing, the spokesperson said that it is necessary to re-study the incident before making a decision.
4. Opportunities for commutation. The main condition is that his performance in prison should be cooperative and active labor. And whether he pleads guilty or not has nothing to do with commutation. It is up to the court to decide how much the sentence will be reduced. (I know from Liu's relatives that the personnel of the Labor Reform Bureau have revealed that Liu's recent attitude is very good)
5. The court welcomes the relevant groups to jointly write a letter or go directly to Guangzhou to inquire about the matter, and promises to reply.
The Bureau of Labor Reform and the court also received a letter from us. And registered our name and Hong Kong residential address. We hope this trip can contribute to Liu's chances of early release.
Fifteen groups caring about Liu Shanqing
December 24, 1986
Please donate generously to rescue a Hong Kong youth who supports the Chinese democracy movement
To rescue a Hong Kong youth who supported the Chinese democracy movement
Please donate generously
There is an ordinary and great supporter of China's democracy movement. His name is Liu Shanqing, male, a Hong Kong resident. He is 33 years old and works as a sales engineer in Hong Kong. In 1976, he supported the "April 5 Tiananmen Incident" mass movement in Hong Kong; from 1979 to 1981, he participated in the "China Democracy Movement Information Center" and "Hong Kong Support for the Chinese Democracy Movement". "Association" work, actively support the democracy movement, and exchange ideas with domestic private publications from time to time. In December of 1981, when the country was in a state of red terror and pro-democracy activists were being arrested, he shouldered the responsibility of morality and went to Guangzhou to visit and condolence to the families of pro-democracy activists such as Wang Xizhe and He Qiu. Since then, he has been secretly arrested and interrogated by the CCP authorities, and sentenced to ten years in prison.
Shortly after Liu Shanqing's arrest, a group of upright people was incensed and organized the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" (referred to as Ying Liu Hui) in Hong Kong for five years. The association persisted in running and shouting for the rescue of Liu Shanqing. Their shouts resonated more and more widely. There were many calls for the CCP to publish the facts of Liu Shanqing's crime and the CCP to immediately release the innocent. In April 1983, Amnesty International also paid serious attention to Liu's case and listed Liu Shanqing as a prisoner of conscience in China.
China Spring believes that: Liu's case is a major event in the Chinese democracy movement; the rescue of Liu Shanqing is obviously a tragic democracy movement work. We pay our highest tribute to Yingliu Association for its unrelenting dedication to this work. Here, we would like to appeal to all walks of life: In order to rescue a Hong Kong youth who supports the Chinese democracy movement, please donate generously, and the donation will be transferred from China Spring to Camp Liu Hui. The members of China Spring will respond to Ying Liuhui's call and will go through hardships with Ying Liuhui to rescue Liu Shanqing.
Chinese Spring (Hong Kong)
October 21, 1986
Internal and external support
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A letter from a group of overseas Chinese in Canada
Trailer:
We are actually overseas Chinese living in Canada, and we are very concerned about the development of the democratic movement in our motherland. Many months ago, I learned from the newspaper that in order to implement the high-level spiritual civilization of socialism, the CCP emphasized in the last National People's Congress that the incident of Mr. Liu Shanqing and the pioneers of the domestic democratic movement were all unreasonably arrested. Insincere implementation of the high spiritual civilization of socialism. The high level of socialist spiritual civilization, specifically, the loyal implementation of the socialist democratic legal system. In an attempt to stabilize its bureaucratic dictatorship, the CCP has done everything possible to deceive the people and overseas Chinese with all kinds of beautiful tone. In order to seek to rescue Liu Shanqing and the pioneers of the domestic democracy movement, we can only mobilize the masses of workers and students, together with people from all walks of life, to go to the Xinhua News Agency of the Communist Party of China in Hong Kong with practical actions to demonstrate and demand the CCP to immediately release Mr. Liu Shanqing and restore him as soon as possible. free.
Sincerely,
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
named
Jan 28, 83
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Japan's Yomiuri Shimbun branch in Hong Kong Zhang Dongfu
Dear Sirs:
I am Tofu Hu Zhang, the head of the Yomiuri Shimbun branch in Hong Kong. Recently, I learned from the propaganda posters you posted that Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing suddenly disappeared because he went to Guangzhou to visit the families of the arrested Chinese pro-democracy activists. We are very concerned about this incident. In order to further understand the causes and consequences of this incident, the following requirements are hereby made, please consider:
1. We hope that the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" will have a time to accept our interview.
2. We hope to get some information about Liu Shanqing himself. If possible, please send the information to our agency: Room 404, Wellington Building, 3A Wyndham Street, Hong Kong, Tel. 5-228485
3. In order to facilitate future communication, I hope to provide the phone number of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee".
Sincerely,
respect
Yomiuri Shimbun in Hong Kong
Zhang Dongfu
1983.3.10
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Letter from a professor at a university in the Netherlands (Chinese translation)
Compiler
Dear friends:
Today I spoke with the head of Amnesty International in London about the Liu Shanqing incident. She said that it would definitely be dealt with, and asked me to write to you to get information, especially the pamphlet you published.
Hope you are doing well.
ban guo rui
March 27, 1983
(Editor's note: Ban Guorui is a professor at the University of Amsterdam in the Netherlands.)
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Letter from the UK Support Group
Dear friends:
Hello.
A group of friends here who are enthusiastic about the Chinese democracy movement have also organized a "support group" in the UK in order to reflect and cooperate with the work of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" in Hong Kong. Because this organization was established under extremely urgent circumstances, it may not be as detailed as it should be, and I hope to provide more criticism and encouragement.
Basically, we completely agree with your analysis and three-point request on this matter, and also believe that it is important to win overseas support forces. There are also many students in the UK who are concerned about Hong Kong issues, but firstly, they are scattered and not organized; secondly, they all have the illusion of being able to escape China's influence on Hong Kong issues, and avoid facing China's issues. The third is to believe that saving the country is all about technology and economic development, and that democracy will only cause a resistance or disintegration force to the overall development; that democracy is chaos under anarchy. I believe that when a country is prosperous and strong, it will naturally bring about democracy and the legal system.
The recent discussion on Hong Kong issues held at Oxford University on May 28 also reflected the above three points once again. But the enthusiasm of the students is gratifying and optimistic, indicating that this is not a lonely silence. We distributed six different materials about the pro-democracy movement, mainly Liu Shanqing, at the venue. The response is also good. We hope you can get in touch with the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee·UK Support Team" as soon as possible and provide valuable advice. If possible, please send relevant information and recent developments as soon as possible. thanks.
Only a photocopy of the "Open Letter to All Chinese Students and Overseas Chinese in the UK" is attached for criticism. stand over.
Wish you the best at work
"British Support Group"
Xu Ganshang
June 2, 1983
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Gregor Geatay Ban Guorui
27.3.83
Dear Friends,
I spoke today with Kate Shiress*, of Amnesty International(London), about the case of Shanqing Liu, and she told me that Amnesty with definitely take it up. She also asked me to write to you ask you to send her whatever information you have about Liu, especially the pamphlet you produced.
I hope your work goes well.
Fraternal best wishes,
Gregor Geatay
ban guo rui
*Her address:
Kate Shiress
Amnesty International
China Section
10 southampton St.
London WC2E 7HF
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a student
I passed by a few days ago and learned about Liu Shanqing. I am a Form 5 student in an overnight school. We are deeply concerned about the activists who harmed democracy by the communist regime. The address is attached to this letter, and I hope that I will do my best to hear the requisition.
A student:
Li Shang
February 28, 1983
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SYDNEY AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY AUSTRALIA
13th June, 1983
Committee for the Release of Lau San Ching
PO Box 89278
Kowloon City Post Office
Hong Kong
I have forwarded copies of the enclosed letter to the Chinese Embassy of Australia and also the Peoples’ Republic of China:-
I read with dismay of Lau San Ching; a Hong Kong socialist jailed in your country. The treatment of this person is not at all consistent with a democratic way of life.
His family and himself should be informed of the sentence he is being imprisoned under and the time of trial.
I request this be done as soon as possible and with a just trial the man’s guilt or innocence will be proven.
thank you
S. Boughar
＊＊＊
Burikie College of Education Student Union
Trailer:
The current affairs department of the association learned from the magazine that your association issued a statement on the disappearance of Liu Shanqing. The current affairs department of this association is very concerned about this matter and hopes to contact your association for details. The contact person is Chen Shengxian, the secretary of the current affairs department of the association.
Sincerely,
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
Burikie College of Education Student Union
September 30, 1982
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a citizen
Dear Mr. responsible for rescuing Mr. Liu Shanqing,
I saw your open letter from the Express yesterday and express my sympathy and support. As Chinese people, it is so sad that we have no personal protection. My wife is also the experience of Mr. Liu Shanqing. She has been detained by the CCP since September last year. She refuses to disclose the reason, and she is not allowed to meet her. I am writing to contact you today, hoping to enlighten them and discuss ways to rescue their relatives.
＊＊＊
Mr Xu
letter of solidarity
Strong demand for the immediate release of Liu Shanqing
I personally express my sympathy and spiritual support for the Chinese Public Security Bureau's ignorance of the progress, democracy and freedom of world history, a set of dictatorial and authoritarian atrocities, and the innocent persecution of Liu Shanqing, a citizen of Hong Kong. The authorities expressed anger and protest over the handling of the Liu Shanqing incident.
Last year I suffered the same situation with Liu Shanqing. When I went back to the mainland to visit relatives, I was detained for more than two months because I did not have a television set for a director of the police station. So I have more sympathy for Liu Shanqing.
We strongly demand that the Chinese authorities immediately release Liu Shanqing, restore Liu Shanqing's freedom of life, and safeguard social democracy and freedom.
Xu
11.4.83
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A mainland counter-revolutionary, a Hong Kong wage earner
Liu Qingshan Rescue Committee
Mr. Zhu Jian:
I would like to express my firm support for your fearless and just actions with this letter, and express my great indignation and strong protest against the perverse actions of the CCP authorities!
I myself was imprisoned by the CCP for 14 years for no reason, and just the word "counter-revolutionary" ruined my youth. Now, when I am among the youthful and lively young people in Hong Kong, I always regret the depth of the trauma these 14 years have inflicted on me. I don't blame Hong Kong people for the same treatment and misunderstanding of the Green Seal people, because all this is caused by the CCP and its chief culprit, Mao Zedong.
Although I still firmly believe that the wheel of history will not be reversed, I do have excessive good wishes for today's CCP elites, at least hope that they are essentially different from Mao Jiang's existing ones. However, what happened to Mr. Liu shows that the reformists of the CCP are still changing the soup and not changing the medicine, and they are still a group of autocratic monarchs. He is nothing more than the same as the reformists, hoping to maintain the feudal dynasty that is at the end of its life by using foreign guns and foreign guns.
I do not deny that "Deng Xiaoping is worse than Mao Zedong". (This is the only option the Chinese people have no choice but to do). However, in order for the CCP's reform to grow up and finally stand out, it must abandon its illusions and constantly expose the duplicity and the danger of left-leaning in its reform process, forming a momentum that makes it irreversible. Therefore, your actions are not only to save Liu Shanqing, but also to save China.
I hope you will persevere, persevere, expand your influence, mobilize the masses, and fight to the end. It is recommended that you:
(1) Using Mr. Liu's incident as an introduction, expand the scope of work, expose the hypocrisy of the CCP, and expose the hypocritical nature of its constitution, so that the work can reach a higher theme and gain deeper meaning.
(2) Contact the issue that Hong Kong people are most concerned about - "the 1997 issue". At present, the British rule Hong Kong, and the freedom and security of Hong Kong people are not guaranteed. When the CCP rules Hong Kong or "Hong Kong people" rule Hong Kong, it is even more conceivable.
(3) Perseverance, constantly appealing to the public, and constantly sending letters to the head of the CCP, the "People's Congress", the judiciary, and the agencies stationed in Hong Kong, one letter per week. The CCP's temper is that you don't like me and him. He wants to close his eyes and rest, and he must be troubled before he can treat it as a matter.
(4) Don't let the likes of Fok Ying-tung and Li Ka-shing who are dedicated to flattering the CCP and wanting to be the governor of Hong Kong, make them feel the pressure of public opinion. If they want to win the hearts of the people, they may secretly dredge and pass on news. They dream of being the leaders of the Hong Kong people, and they must be most afraid of people saying that they are the agents of the CCP or answering the question. Give them a chance to let them take practical actions to show that they are not co-wives with the CCP.
(5) To win the sympathy of the Governor of Hong Kong, (link Mr. Lau to 1997), so that the Governor of Hong Kong can mention this matter in the negotiation. I believe it will have a great effect.
(6) Not only inform the Hong Kong people to form public opinion, but also inform overseas Chinese organizations, especially youth organizations in the United States that are committed to China's reform, to form international public opinion.
(7) Donations can be raised to carry out the above work, and leaflets can be distributed to the public at the same time. Even if public support cannot be obtained, I believe the public's opinions are unanimous.
In the words of Mao Zedong, perseverance to the end is victory. I insist that victory will belong to the people, to democracy, to justice, and to the future.
Although I am unable to give you financial and public support for your understandable reasons, my heart is with you, and I hope we will soon see the dawn of Liu Shengxian's return to freedom and China's return to democracy of dawn.
Wish you
smoothly.
A mainland counter-revolutionary, a Hong Kong wage earner
your comrades
Sincerely
February 14, 1983
＊＊＊
Mr. Lai
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee:
I express my deep sympathy and concern for the unfortunate experience of Mr. Liu Shanqing, and strongly protest against the barbaric and despicable actions of a handful of CCP rulers, as well as the crimes of persecuting and suppressing the pro-democracy movement and progressives of the democratic movement of the mainland compatriots.
Since the Communist Party's dark rule, a handful of corrupt officials who have pinned their trust on the people, in order to keep their status as a perpetually intimidating force on the people's heads and their flamboyant, lewd and shameless lives, have resorted to unscrupulous political measures against their compatriots on the mainland. The so-called "fascist-style" inhumane so-called "continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat"; the economy is also wantonly looting the people's fat and splurge. How much the mainland compatriots in this dire situation yearn for freedom, democracy, and prosperity! However, they are a group of poor and fooled. Violent revolution is the only reason for the working class in the world to eliminate the bourgeoisie and realize socialism and communism”; “The demise of the capitalist system and the realization of the communist system are the irresistible laws of historical development”, etc. fallacies. But we can also see how shameless and demagogic they are from the CCP's debut performance. It's time to end it! "Marxist-Leninism and the socialist system" today are nothing more than a rotten, stinky scum. One can indeed draw from the fact that "socialism has incomparable advantages over any social system" the inadequacy of the socialist system - a dead end.
Here I would like to dedicate to the CCP authorities the reason why they are able to take the risk of the world and have no courage to say something - to dominate the world and ascend to the throne of the king of the "world kingdom".
"Justice will triumph, evil will lose". This is a real rule. No matter how tricky the CCP is, it can't save itself from perishing. All "hypocrites" and "bloody rule" are drowned in the torrent of anger of the people's awakening. The awakening of the ignorant is the failure and death of the ignorant. The Chinese nation is a great nation rich in glorious traditions in history. The outstanding sons and daughters of the Chinese nation will fight bravely against powerful enemies and will surely win a country that is democratic, free, prosperous, prosperous, happy, happy and joyful! The trend of history will inevitably be replaced by the people and the new social system, and it will never end well!
Here we shout:
"Down with the dictatorship and monopoly of the CCP and the brutal fascist rule!"
"Fight for personal liberty and fundamental rights!"
"The most unprecedented outcry against the CCP authorities' violation of Liu Shanqing's basic human rights!!"
"The most thorough, firm and firm support for the rescue of Liu Shanqing Committee!!"
"Strive for the bright future of Hong Kong, and never allow the CCP's evil claws to reach Hong Kong!!!!"
rely
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Letters from Hong Kong Citizens
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Rescue all colleagues of Liu Shanqing Committee
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
All colleagues:
Greetings! When I passed by Nelson Street Mong Kok MTR Station on Sunday, December 21st, I received a leaflet published by your association on December 20th, 1986 on the rescue of Mr. Liu Shanqing, but the leaflet contained information about Liu Shanqing. The whole process of the incident lacks a detailed description. Of course, the simpler the flyer, the easier it is to accept, especially for busy and nervous passers-by, it is not easy to read a long article in detail.
However, what I read from the flyer is that Liu Shanqing has communicated with the mainland pro-democracy activists many times. In April 1981, the authorities cracked down on the pro-democracy movement and arrested pro-democracy activists from all over the country. In the same year, Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou to visit the families of He Qiu and Wang Xizhe, which resulted in unjust imprisonment. In the past, I also read in the newspaper that Liu Shanqing was arrested in Guangzhou to visit the families of the pro-democracy activists.
I read the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China. From Article 1 to Article 192, there is not a single stipulation that visiting the family members of counter-revolutionaries (democracy activists) is a crime of counter-revolution. My friend, it is the crime of counter-revolution. In the criminal laws of all dynasties in China, there has never been a provision for arresting the friends of criminals. Mr. Liu Shanqing is a friend of He Qiu and Wang Xizhe. His friend was imprisoned. It is only natural for Mr. Liu Shanqing to visit his friend's wife and children. How could he be considered a counter-revolutionary? Therefore, it doesn't make sense in terms of human feelings and legal principles.
At the same time, from the whole process of the incident, the Guangzhou Municipal People's Court's handling was inappropriate. Assuming that Liu Shanqing was arrested on December 25, 1981, Article 92 of the Criminal Procedure Law stipulates: "The detention period for the defendant during the investigation shall not exceed two months. The case is complicated and the time limit cannot be expired. Cases that have been terminated may be extended for one month with the approval of the people’s procuratorate at the next higher level. For particularly major and complex cases that cannot be terminated after the extension in accordance with the provisions of the preceding paragraph, the Supreme People’s Procuratorate shall report to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress for approval to postpone the trial.” Article 93 stipulates: "In cases under investigation by the people's procuratorate, after the investigation is completed, it shall make a decision to initiate a public prosecution, exempt from prosecution, or withdraw the case. For a case under investigation by the public security organ, after the investigation is completed, it shall write a written opinion on prosecution or exempt the case. The written opinion on prosecution, together with the case file materials and evidence, shall be transferred to the people's procuratorate at the same level for review and decision."
Article 97 stipulates that the people's procuratorate shall make a decision within one month for a case transferred by the public security organ for prosecution or exempt from prosecution, and for major and complicated cases, it can be extended for half a month. "
Article 99 stipulates: "The people's procuratorate examines a case, and if a supplementary investigation is required, it may conduct an investigation on its own or return it to the public security organ for a supplementary investigation. For a case for supplementary investigation, the supplementary investigation shall be completed within one month."
Article 100 stipulates: "Where the people's procuratorate believes that the facts of the defendant's crime have been ascertained, the evidence is reliable and sufficient, and that criminal responsibility should be investigated in accordance with the law, it shall make a decision to prosecute, and file a public prosecution with the people's court in accordance with the provisions on trial jurisdiction."
Article 125 stipulates: "The people's court shall pronounce a verdict within one month after accepting a case of public prosecution, and shall not exceed one and a half months at the latest."
From the comprehensive view of the above provisions, a defendant, from the date of detention to the date of sentencing, shall not exceed seven months at most. The calculation method is as follows:
Detention period under investigation: 3 months (provided that it can be extended by one month with the approval of the higher-level procuratorate)
The People's Procuratorate deems that additional investigation is necessary 1 month
1.5 months after the people's procuratorate makes a decision to prosecute (assuming the case is serious and complicated)
1.5 months from acceptance by the people's court to judgment
7 months in total
However, according to the leaflet, Liu Shanqing was detained for 25 months before the people's court revealed that he had been sentenced to ten years in prison for "counter-revolutionary crimes". Article 121 of the Criminal Procedure Law states: "A judgment shall be announced in public. If a judgment is announced in court, the written judgment shall be delivered to the people's procuratorate where the party initiated the public prosecution within five days; if a judgment is announced regularly, it shall be announced immediately after the announcement. Send the judgment to the parties and the people's procuratorate that initiated the prosecution."
Your meeting has written to Premier Zhao Ziyang, demanding that Liu Shanqing be released immediately and rehabilitated. But it is doubtful whether Premier Zhao has the right to revoke the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court's judgment. Article 88 of the Constitution stipulates that the Prime Minister leads the work of the State Council. However, the State Council's functions and powers listed in Article 89 of the Constitution do not have the ability to revoke inappropriate judgments by judicial organs at all levels. The remedy at present is to file a complaint with the people's court or the people's procuratorate in accordance with Article 148 of the Criminal Procedure Law. Article 148 of the Criminal Procedure Law: Parties, victims, their families or other citizens may file a complaint with a people's court or a people's procuratorate for a legally effective judgment or ruling, but cannot stop the execution of the judgment or ruling. "There is a wide range of people who enjoy this right to appeal. In addition to the parties to the case, the victims and their families can appeal, other citizens also have the right to appeal. Therefore, it is called a non-exclusive right of appeal in the jurisprudence of mainland China. and considered to be an important source of material for initiating trial supervision proceedings. The so-called "trial supervision procedure" refers to a legal procedure in which judgments and rulings that have taken legal effect are found, and if errors are found, the case is reviewed and remedied and corrected. Moreover, this kind of appeal is not limited by time, as long as it is a legally effective judgment or ruling, whether it has been executed or not, it can be filed at any time. The petition has a certain format, hereby according to the format of the petition listed on page 71 of the book "How to Write a Complaint" written by Wang Baohan:
Complaint
The original cause of the case: Liu Shanqing's counter-revolutionary case
The original case was accepted by Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court
Judgment Number (8X) X No. X Criminal Judgment
The complainant XXX (sex)* XX years old Han nationality XX city (county) XXXX (write the service unit and title) lives in Building XX, No. XX Road, XX Road, Hong Kong
Defendant in the original case Liu Shanqing, male, 34 years old, Han nationality (serving unit and position), living in
The purpose of the appeal is to appeal against the judgment of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court against the defendant Liu Shanqing in the counter-revolutionary case, requesting that the judgment be changed by the court.
Complaint facts and grounds
Sincerely,
Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court (or Procuratorate)
With complainant XXX
XX, 1987
*Gender: write male or female
However, the specific circumstances, to read the judgment before writing. Generally speaking, the judgments of the Chinese mainland courts are written very simply.
The size of the pleading paper is generally 16K white paper. All basic people's courts or legal advisers in the mainland have blank pleading paper for purchase. When writing a petition, a writing brush or pen (ink pen) must be used, and the font must be correct and the handwriting must be clear.
The above are some of my personal opinions on the incident of Mr. Liu Shanqing, which are provided to your association for reference. Finally, to paraphrase the sentence stated in Article 2 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, "The task of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China is to... protect citizens' personal rights, democratic rights and other rights..." I hope that Mr. Liu Shanqing will be released from prison and return to Hong Kong as soon as possible.
Shun Song
Happy New Year!
Liu
January 2, 1987
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world in unison
Britain Shuns Detainee
by Jonathan Mirsky
Some Peking leaders now refer to Mrs. Thatcher as 'that stinking woman for her resolute defense of the Britishness of Hong Kong, but for long-time Hong Kong resident Liu Sanching, in his Chinese prison cell, the reality is different.
It is spelt out in the small print on the back of his Identity Card, Number DO 48096:'The issue of this certificate does not confer a right on the holder to the protection of British diplomatic or consular representatives abroad.
Liu, 29, vanished in Canton on Christmas Day 1981. Last week the Hong Kong Government announced China's confirmation of Liu's detention for 'an unlawful deed.'
A leading member of the Hong Kong-based Chinese Democracy Movement Resource Centre, Liu supported the mainland intellectuals once associated with Peking's defunct Democracy Wall and a host of equally extinct dissident magazines. All the notable figures of that movement are now behind bars. None was publicly charged or tried.
Liu's 'unlawful deed' appears to be his persistent journeys across the border into the People's Republic to make contact with the families of these political prisoners. Interest abroad in their fate has been repeatedly condemned by Chinese spokesmen.
After Liu's disappearance, his father and friends appealed for help to the Hong Kong Government, which conceded in March that its inquiries about Liu had produced no response. When Liu's father went to Canton to search for his son, a security officer there reportedly told him that Liu' had violated the law, and no one could meet him.'
Support, such as Liu's, for China's intellectual adversaries stiffens Peking's certainty that Hong Kong is a conduit of political as well as moral and financial infection.
More profoundly, Liu's arrest underlines the delicate question of the status and destiny of the Colony's residents, most of whom are not British subjects. This is the key item in the negotiations now getting under way between London and Peking,
.
Liu's family and allies maintain he was born in Hong Kong. He was certainly brought up there and received a BA in physics and mathematics from Hong Kong University. An associate in the solidarity movement, Lok King choi, insists that the Hong Kong authorities must take responsibility for the imprisoned Liu.
'He was brought up here, he paid taxes, but the British do nothing to protect him,' Lok said last week. 'They must insist on a public trial'.
Admitting the thorniness of Liu's predicament, a British official observed: 'From Peking's standpoint, he's a Chinese and that's that. 'Another official source said: 'It may sound callous, but we'd hate to raise Chinese hackles on this one. We 're involved in long negotiations with China about the future of Hong Kong, and if Liu is charged with subversion or something like that, we'd just as soon stay out.'
November 14, 1982
Sunday Observer
Britain fears trouble
"Sunday Observer"
Compiler section
Leaders in Beijing now fondly refer to British Prime Minister Mrs Thatcher as "that stinky lady" who stubbornly defends everything Britain has in Hong Kong. However, for Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong resident imprisoned in a Chinese prison, the reality is different. Indicates on his identification document number D048096 that the holder is not subject to diplomatic protection.
As for Liu's "illegal behavior," it seems that he repeatedly entered the mainland to contact the families of political prisoners who were involved in the pro-democracy movement. Chinese spokespersons have repeatedly criticized the attention paid to these political prisoners by outsiders.
People like Liu Shanqing who support Chinese intellectuals have made China even more convinced that Hong Kong is a source of political, moral and financial pollution.
On a deeper level, Liu's arrest highlighted the status and fate of most non-British colonists, a key element of Sino-British negotiations.
A British official acknowledged that Liu's case was tricky, saying: "Beijing's point of view is that Liu Shanqing is Chinese, so there is no discussion." Another official said: "We may be a little ruthless, but we really don't want to get offended on this issue. China. We are in a long negotiation with China for the future of Hong Kong, and if Liu is likely to be convicted of subversion or something like that, we might as well just stay out of it for now.”
November 14, 1982
World Revolution Weekly, April 11, 1983
[Editor's note: This article was published in the World Revolution Weekly on April 11, 1983, as the official newspaper of the Japanese Revolutionary Communist League. Titled "Release Liu Shanqing Immediately")
(picture only, no translation)
April 13 Amnesty International Emergency Action
Amnesty International urgent action (Chinese translation)
People's Republic of China: Liu Shanqing
Amnesty International has received a report on Liu Shanqing, who it defines as a prisoner of conscience. The report said he had been interrogated and sentenced to 10 years in prison, but Chinese officials have not publicly announced details of his charges, trial process and whereabouts. Amnesty International believes Liu Shanqing was sentenced for exercising his rights of expression and association.
Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing, 30 years old, works as a sales engineer. He disappeared while traveling to China in December 1981. Liu Shanqing supports an unofficial magazine run by an editor in China (sometimes called the "democracy movement"), for which he is active in Hong Kong. He went to Guangzhou for a short trip to visit the relatives of a prisoner of conscience who was arrested in April 1981 and sentenced to 14 years in prison in May 1982. Liu's family was only verbally informed weeks after his arrest, but had no way of knowing where he was or what he was charged with.
According to reports received by Amnesty International, a senior official of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court recently again verbally informed Liu's father that his son had been tried and sentenced, but Liu's father was unable to receive further details and was unable to visit his son. . Amnesty International is now fighting for the release of 30 prisoners of conscience linked to China's "democracy movement", some of whom have reportedly been tried and given heavy sentences for "counter-revolutionary activities," according to Amnesty International , the circumstances of these trials have never been publicly disclosed by officials, and Amnesty International is concerned that this trend may mean that others will be or have been tried in the same circumstances.
The People's Republic of China does not recognize dual nationality and considers Chinese citizens living in Hong Kong to be citizens of the People's Republic of China.
suggested action
Airmail Letter: - Calling for Liu Shanqing's immediate and unconditional release on the basis that he was clearly imprisoned for exercising his rights of speech and association. Request the authorities to publicly announce the information: including the details of the trials of Liu Shanqing and all prisoners of conscience associated with the "democracy movement" who expressed their political views in a non-violent manner.
Send an appeal letter to:
Zhao Ziyang, Premier of the State Council of the State Council, Beijing, People's Republic of China
Zhao Cangbi, Minister of Public Security, Ministry of Public Security, Beijing, People's Republic of China
Letters of appeal can be sent to the representative of the Embassy of the People's Republic of China in your country. Please send the appeal letter as soon as possible. If it is sent after May 25, 1983, please contact the International Secretariat.
April 13, 1983
URGENT ACTION Amnesty International
International Secretariat. 10 Southampton St. London WC2E7HF United Kingdom Telephone :0-8367788 Telex :28502
EXTERNAL (for general distribution)
AI Index :ASA 17/07/83
Distri : UA
UA 82/83 Legal Concern 13 April 1983
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA: LIU Shanging (also spelt Lau San Ching )
Amnesty International has received reports that Liu Shanging, a prisoner of conscience adopted by Amnesty International, has been tried and sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment. However, no details of the charges, trial or sentence have been publicly announced. Amnesty International believes that Liu Shanging is imprisoned for exercising his right to freedom of opinion and association.
Liu Shanqing, an electronic sales engineer aged 30, is a citizen of Hong Kong. He disappeared in December 1981 while on a visit to the People's Republic of China. Liu Shanging is a supporter of a group of editors of unofficial journals, sometimes known as the "Democracy Movement", in China on whose behalf he has actively worked in Hong Kong. He went on a short trip to Guangzhou (Canton) to try to visit the relatives of a prisoner of conscience, who was arrested in April 1981, tried in May 1982 and sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment. Liu's family were informed verbally of his arrest some weeks later but were not told where he was or what the charges against him were.
According to reports received by Amnesty International, Liu's father was recently informed, again verbally, by high-ranking officials of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court that his son had been tried and sentenced. He was given no further details and has not yet been able to visit his son.
Amnesty International is working for the release of 30 prisoners of conscience arrested in connection with the Chinese "Democracy Movement ". Several of them are reported to have been brought to trial during the last year and received heavy prison sentences for "counter-revolutionary activities " . According to information available to Amnesty Intonational, no official statement has been made about any of these trials. Amnesty International is concerned that this trend may mean that all the others will be or may have been brought to trial in similar circumstances.
The People's Republic of China does not recognize dual nationality and considers that the ethnic Chinese resident in Hong Kong are citizens of the People's Republic of China.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Airmail letters:
- appealing for the immediate and unconditional release of Liu Shanging (Lau San Ching) on the grounds that he has apparently been imprisoned for exercising his right to freedom of opinion and association.
-urging the authorities to make public information, including details of the charges, about Liu Shanqing's trial and the trials of all prisoners of conscience detained in connection with the "Democracy Movement" for the non-violent expression of their political opinions.
APPEALS TO: Zhao Ziyang Prime Minister
Minister of Public Security Prime Minister's Office
Ministry of Public Security Beijing (Peking )
Beijing (Peking) People’s Republic of China
Copies of appeals may be sent to diplomatic representatives of the People's Republic of China in your country.
PLEASE SEND APPEALS AS SOON AS POSSIBLE. Check with the International Secretariat if sending appeals after 25 May 1983.
Amnesty International is an independent worldwide movement working for the international protection of human rights. It seeks the release of men and women detained anywhere because of their beliefs, color, sex, ethnic origin, language or religious creed, provided they have not used or advocated violence. These are termed prisoners of conscience. It works for fair and prompt trials for all political prisoners.
Human Rights Internet Reporter
BRIEFING PAPER No. 104,
Index on Censorship, U. K.,
May 27, 1983,
"China:
Liu Shanqing, A Hong Kong Engineer, Sentenced,
"1 p. Provides information on Liu Shanqing of Hong Kong, a graduate of Hong Kong University, arrested in China in December 1981, after he visited the wife of well-known dissident Wang Xizhe. Liu Shanqing had been active in the Hong Kong- based solidarity committee which supported China's Human Rights and Democracy Movement. He went to China to visit Wang Xizhe's wife after Wang Xizhe had been sentenced (in May 1981)to 14 years imprisonment for' spreading anti-socialist propaganda, sabotaging law and order and organizing counter-revolutionary groups'. A "Save Liu Shanqing Committee" was set up in Hong Kong after he was arrested, "to urge the British colonial authorities to intervene for his release or if found guilty,' to ask that his charges should be made specific" In April of this year (1983), Liu Shanqing was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment, but details of the charges have still not been announced. "So far neither the British colonial authorities nor the British government has inter vened, even though Liu Shanqing is a British subject. "
Sept-Nov. 1983
Human Rights Internet Reporter
"Human Rights Liaison Report" press briefing (Chinese translation)
Compiler
China: Hong Kong engineer Liu Shanqing sentenced
This article provides information on Hong Kong native Liu Shanqing. A graduate of the University of Hong Kong, he was arrested in December 1981 when he visited China to visit the wife of prominent dissident Wang Xizhe. Liu Shanqing is an active member of the Hong Kong-based "Committee to Support the Chinese Democracy Movement". Wang Xizhe was sentenced to 14 years in prison in May 1981 for "propagating anti-socialist rhetoric, undermining law and order, and organizing counter-revolutionary groups." Afterwards, Liu Shanqing went to China to inquire about Wang Xizhe's wife. After Liu Shanqing was arrested, some people in Hong Kong formed a "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee", "urging the British colonial authorities to intervene and seek Liu Shanqing's release; or "if guilty," clearly announce his guilt." In April 1983, Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison, but the details of the charges have not yet been announced. "Although Liu Shanqing is a British citizen, so far, neither the British colonial authorities nor the British government have intervened..."
September-November 1983
Amnesty International's 1983 Annual Report
Chinese part
Li Min Translation
The main concerns of Amnesty International are: 1. the adjudication of political prisoners that do not meet international standards; 2. the imprisonment of prisoners of conscience; 3. the detention of political prisoners without trial; and 4. the use of the death penalty.
Most prisoners of conscience arrested in 1981 remain in custody without trial and ignorance of the charges. However, a series of political trials reportedly took place in the second half of 1982, some of which popularized what the Amnesty Society defined as prisoners of conscience.
After the meeting between Amnesty International and representatives of the People's Republic of China in Geneva and New York this year, Amnesty wrote to the Chinese government in late 1982, expressing its priorities.
In December 1982, the Chinese People's Congress adopted a new constitution to replace the old constitution of 1978. Article 35 of the law guarantees "freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, procession and demonstration". Other provisions strengthen deterrence against arbitrary arrests and unlawful searches. However, Amnesty International noted that the new constitution no longer guarantees certain fundamental rights guaranteed by the 1978 constitution, such as freedom of communication, the press and strikes. The new constitution also contains some provisions to limit the guaranteed freedoms. For example, Article 36 declares "freedom of religion and belief", and also states that "religious groups and religious matters shall not be subject to foreign control"; in this way, The provisions can then be used against anyone who has contact with foreign churches and religious groups.
A series of political trials in the second half of 1982 included some former provincial and local officials who were accused of being "Gang of Four followers." The official news media reported on these interrogations. Conversely, some trials of prisoners of conscience, as defined by the International Association for Special Education, appear to have been held behind closed doors, with no official statement or release. The first prisoners of conscience reportedly convicted were Wang Xizhe and He Qiu, both former editors of a private publication in Guangzhou. According to reports, Wang Xizhe was sentenced to 14 years in prison and deprived of political rights for four and a half years during his trial in Guangzhou on May 28, 1982. He Qiuze was sentenced to ten years in prison on May 29, 1982. Both were charged with "counter-revolutionary crimes". According to unofficial sources, their families were not notified before the trial, which is a violation of the criminal law enacted in January 1980, and there is no official record of the verdict being released publicly.
During the same period, Xu Wenli, the editor of the "Fourth Five Forum", was on trial. He was arrested in Beijing in April 1981. According to an alleged court judgment published by the Hong Kong publication "The Common People" on October 16, 1982, Xu Wenli was tried by the People's Court in Beijing on June 8, 1982 and sentenced to fifteen years' imprisonment and imprisonment for Political rights for four years on charges of "organizing a counter-revolutionary group" and "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement". The charges include holding a "secret" meeting in Beijing in June 2008, organizing the "China Communist League", planning to publish the "Learning Newsletter", and founding the "China Democratic Reunification Promotion Association" with Hong Kong as a liaison office. As for the second charge - "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement", it refers to his speeches and articles against official measures, as well as their dissemination overseas.
The document mentions other editors of civilian magazines detained and accused of being associated with Xu Wenli's "counter-revolutionary group": Wang Xizhe in Guangzhou, Sun Weibang and Sun Feng in Qingdao, Xu Shuiliang in Nanjing, Fu Shenqi in Shanghai and Liu Er'an in Anyang . The document claims that the aforementioned persons and the "other" arrested will be dealt with separately, i.e. tried in the individual cities where they are detained. From April to August 1981, more than 25 editors and supporters of civilian magazines were arrested in various cities. Until the end of 1982, only Wang Xizhe and He Qiu Xu Wenli were allegedly put on trial. Amnesty International has asked the Chinese government to provide information on Xu Wenli and those allegedly associated with him.
Another group of prisoners of conscience was reported to have been tried in Beijing in 1982, including Lu Lin, editor of the civilian magazine "Exploration", who had been detained in Beijing since 1981. He was allegedly jailed for four years on an unspecified charge.
The trial of five former Red Guard leaders was reported to have been held in Beijing in November 1982. They were arrested in 1978 for their activities in the Cultural Revolution (1966-68). There is no further information about the trial.
On May 28, 1982, LISA WICHSER, an American female teacher, was arrested in Beijing, and nine to ten people were allegedly also detained. Wei Sixia was accused of "stealing secret Chinese goods". After her release, she claimed that the charges referred to some non-public documents related to the Chinese economy; these documents were widely circulated and given to her by her Chinese friends and could not possibly qualify as "state secrets". Wei Sixia was expelled from China after being detained for several days. Involved in her case include her fiancé, Yi Xiegong, who is studying economics, and eight other students. It is said that they remained in detention until the end of 1982, and it is unknown whether they were charged or not.
Amnesty International is also concerned about the arrest of Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing. He reportedly "disappeared" in December 1981 when he went to Guangzhou to visit the family of a prisoner of conscience. His family later learned of his arrest from Guangzhou authorities. His family and friends in Hong Kong have repeatedly asked the Chinese government about the details of his charges, but there is still no official word.
Daolun Daolun, a 44-year-old Tibetan hermit from the Yuk District of the Tibet Autonomous Region, was reportedly arrested in Lhasa in December 1980 for promoting Buddhism. LOBSANG CHODAG, a worker at a truck repair shop in Lhasa, was reportedly arrested on April 23, 1980 for putting up posters, and was tortured after his arrest. Amnesty International is investigating cases of people banned for political or religious reasons in the Tibet Autonomous Region.
In early 1982, Amnesty International received more information about the Roman Catholic priests and civilians arrested in Shanghai on November 19, 1981. Initial sources thought that only five priests had been arrested, but later it was revealed that at least thirteen priests and civilians were imprisoned, believed to be for religious activities independent of China's official Catholic Church. Chinese officials claim they are accused of "counterrevolutionary activities in the name of religion", including maintaining liaison with the Vatican. By the end of 1982, they had not been tried and their charges had not been made public. However, one of the Catholics, MATTHEW ZHULIDE, was allegedly sent to a "labor camp" for three years, a method of detention without trial that leaves the detainees without legal protection.
Amnesty International is concerned that "labor camps" continue to be used as a form of detention without trial for charges (see Amnesty Annual Report 1982). The new case is Xue Mingde, an independent painter from Sichuan, who was arrested in the second half of 1981 and sent to a "labor camp" for three years after arranging an exhibition of his works at his home in Chengdu in 1980. The other is Towson, a student at Changsha Normal University who once led other students to protest against cheating in local elections by the school. He was allegedly arrested in June 1981 and sent to a "labor camp" for three years.
In September 1982, Amnesty International renewed its request for the release of Liu Qing, one of the founders of the private magazine "45 Forum". He was arrested in November 1979 for selling the interrogation records of a certain editor [Wei Jingsheng]. He was not sent to (labor camp) for three years until 1980. He should have been released in 1982, but it was reported that he was in 1980. He was tried in Beijing in two years and sentenced to seven years in prison for "counter-revolutionary" crimes. Chinese officials have not announced or acknowledged the trial, and no details are known. Those who are "re-education through labor" without trial can be tried at any time during or after their sentences and charged with new crimes. In Liu Qing's case, he may have been interrogated because he wrote about his arrest and detention during his labor reforms, and also described how he was tortured and held in solitary confinement for several months after his arrest.
Amnesty International is concerned about the prolonged detention without trial for political reasons, mostly without formal charges. For example, Ren Wanding, the founder of the "China Human Rights League", has been detained since 1979 without trial and no charges against him have been made public.
The use of the death penalty has always received significant attention. Amnesty International received reports of 76 executions in 1982; 4 of them were executed with a two-year delay, and 65 had already been executed, usually immediately after being announced at a "public trial conference". One of those who received a two-year reprieve was Yang Junhua, under 18, who was charged with planting a bomb in a revenge-seeking incident in January 1982, killing one and wounding 11.
In October 1982, Amnesty International renewed its request for the Chinese government to abolish the death penalty. The association expresses concern about the execution of the death penalty in 1982 and the failure to disclose the fate of the death row inmates after the execution was suspended. This will further urge the Chinese authorities to provide all information on the re-examination of the batch of death row inmates whose suspended sentences expired from November 1981 to November 1982.
April 1984 "October Review" No. 88
Photo: The Committee to Commemorate the 10th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Incident on April 5, 2019, puts up a banner outside the Xinhua News Agency.
Detention
Lin Nansheng, "The Whereabouts of Liu Shanqing: China's Unanswered"
(Newsweek, August 30, 1982)
The former Hong Kong student was detained in China for nine months after contacting domestic pro-democracy activists
When it comes to the Chinese government, the British government says it does not protect Hong Kong Chinese
Photo: Rescue Committee putting up posters
At 8:00 a.m. on December 25 last year, Liu Shanqing half-asleeply bid farewell to his girlfriend beside him and caught the train to Luohu at 9:00 a.m. After checking in at the Zhuhai Hotel on the same day, Liu Shanqing went straight to the home of Wang Xizhe, a representative of the Chinese democracy movement in Xiaogang Xincun, Henan, to visit Yasu, Wang Xizhe's lover. After leaving the Wang family, Liu Shanqing never showed up again, and Yasu was summoned by the Chinese Public Security Bureau the next day, asking her to explain the circumstances of her meeting with Liu Shanqing, and asking Yasu to write a review letter.
Liu Shanqing's father learned from the Guangzhou authorities that Liu Shanqing had been arrested.
In response to questions from MPs, the British Foreign Office said: Hong Kong Chinese have dual nationality, and if the Chinese government detains Hong Kong Chinese, the British government will not provide protection.
Liu Shanqing, born in Hong Kong, 29 years old this year, his father is a metal worker. Liu Shanqing was known as a computer prodigy when he was in primary school. He entered King's College, and then entered the University of Hong Kong to study science and graduated in 1976.
At the beginning of 1979, the democratic movement in China emerged, and Liu Shanqing was enthusiastic about dealing with people in the movement. Before Liu Shanqing was arrested, he had been in and out of Guangzhou for two consecutive years. At first, Liu Shanqing visited Guangzhou pro-democracy activists such as Wang Xizhe and He Qiu several times with students he knew from a Hong Kong tertiary institution. In April last year, pro-democracy activists from all over the country were successively arrested. Pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong launched some activities, such as autographs, demonstrations, rallies and publications, in an attempt to show solidarity with those arrested on the mainland. They are still visiting the country in an attempt to contact the remnants of the pro-democracy activists and rescue the arrested.
December 27 was originally the day Liu Shanqing returned to Hong Kong and was going to work after the holiday. He is a sales engineer for a foreign computer company. But on the 28th, Liu Shanqing still did not see the audio and video. Liu Shanqing's girlfriend had to tell a friend of Liu Shanqing that Liu Shanqing had not returned to China. After hearing the news, the friend immediately explained the whole story to a middle school student who was about to return to Guangzhou, and asked him to find out what happened in Guangzhou. A week later, in early January 1982, the junior high school student returned to Hong Kong and revealed that Liu Shanqing had been to Guangzhou, and his whereabouts were unknown.
In mid-January 1982, Liu Shanqing's whereabouts were still unknown. His group of friendly people gathered together to discuss ways. On the other hand, Liu Shanqing's family knew about Liu Shanqing's "disappearance" in Guangzhou. In the end, it was decided that Liu's family should report the police to Kwun Tong Police Station first. After the booth at Kwun Tong Police Station explained that Liu's case could not be accepted, Liu's friendly turned to the Immigration Bureau for inquiries. The Immigration Bureau replied that they had no record of Liu Shanqing leaving the country. . Liu Jiahe Youyou again sought help from the offices of unofficial members of the Executive and Legislative Councils. The staff of the offices told them that such cases could only be obtained by appealing to the Hong Kong Governor.
Liu Shanqing's family and friendly deceased each wrote two letters to the retiring Governor of Hong Kong, Sir MacLehose. In mid-April, they received a letter from the Hong Kong Governor's Office claiming to have received a letter about the Liu Shanqing incident.
On the other hand, when Liu Shanqing's family got the news of Liu's "disappearance", they quickly entrusted a lawyer friend to send a letter to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau for inquiries. But letters go like yellow cranes.
It wasn't until mid-March, when Liu Shanqing's father went to Guangzhou to make inquiries, there was a clearer development. The first day, Liu’s father ran around, but he still had nowhere to complain. Later, a comrade in the hotel directed Liu’s father to the Liwan Branch of the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau. When Liu’s father arrived at the reception of the branch, he explained the reason to the reception. The comrade at the reception Wait a moment with my father. A middle-aged cadre with an accent from another province and two cadres who seemed to be in a slightly inferior position came out and led Father Liu to a room.
After sitting down, Liu's father explained the reason to the three cadres again, and the cadre with a foreign accent confirmed to Liu's father that Liu Shanqing was arrested by the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau. When Liu's father asked them why Liu Shanqing was arrested, their answer was that Liu Shanqing "violated the national criminal law." "Can I visit Liu Shanqing?" "I am still in custody and under investigation, and I cannot visit. After the case is over, I can visit the prison. If my father wishes, he can write to Liu Shanqing to persuade him to obey the laws of the state, be lenient when frank, and be strict when resisting." . "We received a letter from a lawyer from Hong Kong, but we did not answer it as usual"—this was the explanation given by the responsible cadre to Liu's father.
After Liu’s father returned to Hong Kong, he would go to the Hong Kong branch of Xinhua News Agency to ask for assistance in mid-April. The person in charge of the Xinhua News Agency’s Hong Kong and Macau Section met with Liu’s father and explained to him that Xinhua News Agency was a news agency and could not handle Liu’s case, but of course he could assist the embassy. Indulge in love.
A friendly group of Liu Shanqing died in early April to organize an organization called the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" and held a press conference to clarify rumors about Liu Shanqing and his "disappearance", and asked China and Hong Kong to deal with Liu's case quickly.
Reports of Liu Shanqing's disappearance and arrest in mainland China spread to the UK, and Labour MP Dilly asked Parliament about the matter. The British Foreign Office then replied: "Liu Shanqing does not hold a British passport; Hong Kong Chinese are dual nationals. If the Chinese government detains Hong Kong Chinese, the British government will not provide any protection. The United Kingdom has asked China about Liu Shanqing, but has so far received no information. reply."
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He Li, "The Beginning and End of Liu Shanqing's Detention in the Mainland"
Page 1, Page 2, Page 3, Page 4
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He Li, "The Beginning and End of Liu Shanqing's Detention in the Mainland"
(May issue of "The Seventies")
Liu Shanqing, a sales engineer, 30 years old, graduated from Hong Kong University in 1976, went to Guangzhou in December 1981, learned in March 1982 that he had been detained, and in March 1983 Guangzhou authorities revealed that he had been sentenced to ten years in prison .
In early April this year, news came out that Liu Shanqing, a graduate of the University of Hong Kong and a current engineer who went to Guangzhou in late 1981, has been sentenced to ten years in prison by the Chinese government. This is what Liu Shanqing's father told him orally when he visited Guangzhou for the third time on March 24 to hear about his son. Liu Shanqing has been detained in mainland China for fifteen months.
Liu is missing!
Fifteen months ago, on December 25, 1981, Liu Shanqing took the Christmas holiday to the north by train. Before leaving, he once told a friend that he would return to Hong Kong within three days, because the holiday on December 27th ended and he was going to go back to work. He said the purpose of going north was to condolence to the families of the pro-democracy activists arrested in Guangzhou. In this way, he never came back, the news was lost, and his family and friends were completely unaware of his whereabouts.
In February last year, Hong Kong's youth intellectuals were talking about Wu Zhongxian's arrest and release in mainland China. Friends of Liu Shanqing believed that Liu was probably arrested in an accident. (Wu Chung-hsien was the leader of the Trotskyist organization "Revolutionary Marxist League" in Hong Kong. He traveled north in March 1981 and came into contact with some pro-democracy activists. He was arrested on a train heading south from Beijing and promised to cooperate with the authorities when questioned. In exchange for freedom, he will return to Hong Kong in April. For details, see Wu Moran's article "The Arrest of Hong Kong Trotskyist Leaders in the Mainland" in the February issue of this magazine.) His friend held a private discussion, referring to Liu Shanqing's return to Sui "disappearing". "The incident may be a replica of the "Wu Zhongxian Incident". If Liu has been detained by the Chinese authorities, the top priority is to find out his whereabouts and try to rescue him. Because of the unknown circumstances at the time, they did not plan to expand the event rendering. However, Liu's "disappearance" was finally explained by a slogan titled "Hong Kong Youth Suspected by the CCP Illegally Arrested? " for the title, unnamed, preemptive reporting.
On March 12 last year, Liu Shanqing's father went to Guangzhou for the first time to inquire. The Guangzhou Public Security Bureau verbally confirmed that Liu had been detained and that he was not allowed to visit during the investigation phase. However, the public security bureau did not reveal what crime Liu was suspected of or whether the trial was open to the public. As for Liu Shanqing's friends in Hong Kong, they have started to organize a "rescue committee".
Father Liu went to Guangzhou for the second time for his son in June last year. That time, he brought some supplies in the hope of getting permission to visit his detained son. A member of the "Rescue Committee" who had contact with Liu's father said that when Liu's father went to Guangzhou, the relevant authorities refused to accept him, and the attitude was very bad. They ignored Liu's father and did not hand over the items. Trip, nothing.
Liu's father had planned to go to Guangzhou to inquire again after the Spring Festival this year, but the trip failed. He went to Guangzhou this time on March 24. According to a friend who knew Liu Shanqing, he heard from the Chinese trade circle that Liu had been sentenced to five years. After they heard the rumor, they notified Liu's father. Father immediately went to Guangzhou to inquire about the development of the case. After Liu's father returned to Hong Kong after inquiring, the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" held a press conference, revealing that an official of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court met Liu's father and told him that Liu Shanqing had been sentenced to ten years in prison by the Chinese government, and has now been transferred to labor camps in Guangzhou. City limits, but failed to arrange a visit. The official said that the Chinese authorities will inform Liu Shanqing's family of the details of Liu's case through the Hong Kong government through formal diplomatic channels within a month, and promised to allow the family to visit. The official also told Liu's father that his son was "uncooperative" while in custody, adding that the country's policy was "to be lenient when it comes to frankness, and to be strict when resisting." Liu's father urged his son to cooperate with the Chinese authorities, confessing explain.
maverick fringe
Liu Shanqing, 30 years old this year, was born in Hong Kong. He graduated from the University of Hong Kong in 1976. After graduation, he worked as a secondary school teacher and an employee of a construction company. When he was arrested, he worked as a sales engineer.
When Liu Shanqing was at HKU, he was not particularly impressive, and he was not considered an active member. A friend who graduated from HKU the same year as Liu Shanqing said that when Liu was in his first year at HKU, he shared with other "gods" who just went to the highest university. Like a proud son”, he doesn’t care much about major social affairs. From the second year onwards, he participated in the work of the current affairs committee of the Hong Kong University Student Union, had a lot of contacts with the active members of the student union, and followed the student union to participate in social events at that time. Before he graduated, the student movement in Hong Kong was in a period of great division. The students who were active in the student movement were divided into two factions: one was those who agreed with the CCP’s policies, and they were called the “quintessence faction”; Society, who are critical or skeptical of China's socialist system, are called "socialists". In addition to the two factions, there are some who oppose the "national quintessence faction" but are not "socialist factions", which can be called "anti-quintessence factions", and Liu Shanqing was probably reluctantly classified as an "anti-citism faction" at that time.
After graduation, like many people who had "engaged" in sports during their studies, Liu Shanqing was unwilling to "safely" find a job and become a "petty bourgeois". At that time, a group of young people who had participated in the student movement and social movement were organizing the "New Youth Society" and planning to set up a night school for workers. Liu Shanqing was also one of the participants. The "New Youth Academy" was formally established in early 1977, with workers' night school as the main body. Internally, the purpose is to maintain some college ten students who are more concerned about social issues. Through evening school teaching activities, students can improve their understanding of themselves and the society. Change the environment and take control of your own destiny. This "experimental night school" is somewhere between a regular night school and a youth center. Specific activities include teaching, entertainment, and discussions on social and current affairs.
A friend who once joined the "New Youth Society" with Liu Shanqing said that Liu Shanqing had been a tutor there in the early days, teaching some subjects, but mainly for general affairs and liaison. After working for about a year, Liu Shanqing always felt that maintaining the academy in a fixed state was a dead end, and that breakthroughs were needed, and that it needed to be "upgraded"—he meant that the academy and workers would be radicalized politically. Then, for a period of time, he was also detached from the "New Youth Society".
Liu Shanqing gives the impression that he is not good at theory, his thinking is immature, he does not have a relatively complete thinking and system, and sometimes he appears quite impulsive. He is indecisive in any work, cannot last, is not easy to get along with, and often has a very discordant relationship. Therefore, some people say that he is "deified", and some people think that he is a "marginal person". In terms of personal life, he likes to be stimulated. Cigarette, alcohol, billiards, and motorcycles are all his good companions. It is said that he often brings swimming equipment and does not leave his body when participating in activities. Whether in terms of thinking or personal style, he can be said to be relatively independent. As a result, Guangzhou court officials said he was "uncooperative", which his friends considered likely given his character.
Courageous supporters of the pro-democracy movement
In 1978, the shocking incident of improper financial management and closure of Jinxi Middle School broke out, causing widespread concern from all walks of life. Liu Shanqing and members of the "New Youth Society" also participated in support. The following year, Yau Ma Tei boaters confronted the Hong Kong government over the issue of migrating ashore, and Liu Shanqing was also one of the supporters.
From 1979 to 1980, democratic movements in various parts of mainland China were in full swing, and pro-democracy activists were once very active. Many young people and students in Hong Kong have ardent expectations for China's democratization, and they have gone north one after another to meet and exchange views with the pro-democracy activists. They brought back a lot of non-governmental articles from all over China, and also brought some books from Hong Kong to domestic civilians. At that time, young people and students in Hong Kong and pro-democracy activists in China were in a "honeymoon period". The home of Wang Xizhe, a famous pro-democracy activist in Guangzhou, was full of visitors, and the threshold was limited. Liu Shanqing's name, like many others visiting the north, also appeared on Wang Xizhe's visitor list. Liu Shanqing was also one of the members when some young people who were concerned about the Chinese democracy movement set up support centers and information centers in Hong Kong. His friends said that for a while, he traveled frequently between Hong Kong and China. I heard that he was carefully searched once when he passed through customs on the return journey, and he may have been noticed by the Chinese authorities at that time.
When Wu Zhongxian was arrested in March 1981, Chinese public security officers showed him a list of more than 50 people who the public security organs believed were related to the domestic democracy movement in Hong Kong. He was asked to provide background information one by one. and related information. It is said that Liu Shanqing is also on the list. It is known that after Wu Zhongxian was released and returned to Hong Kong, he once woke up Liu Shanqing and others not to return to mainland China casually to avoid being caught. In fact, in early 1981, after the CCP issued the "No. 9 Document" and started arresting pro-democracy activists all over the country, those concerned about the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong have become quite alert. . Therefore, after Liu Shanqing's accident in Guangzhou, some people felt that he acted blindly, was more than heroic, and was not cautious enough, and some even felt that he was "pulling" and preparing to become a "martyr".
Rescue operation in Hong Kong
Liu Shanqing's father was an ordinary citizen who was afraid and passive. He was always worried that others would intervene and hurt his son.
After Liu Shanqing was detained, Liu's friends organized the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee". The members of the committee include his classmates and friends who have worked or known in the past. The members of the committee said that they were quite a loose group of people with no organization or core. Everyone gathered because they were concerned about Liu Shanqing's incident, and the committee was mainly a center for news gathering and dispersing.
The committee members and Liu's father initially reported the case to the police station because of Liu Shanqing's "disappearance", and then inquired about the immigration office's exit registration. They then wrote to the Governor of Hong Kong and sought help from the offices of unofficial members of the Executive and Legislative Councils, but they were not accepted. In April last year, they approached the Hong Kong branch of Xinhua News Agency, but the Xinhua News Agency replied that they were a news agency and would not accept Liu's case. They have also contacted CPPCC representatives in Hong Kong, but have no news. Following them, they wrote to Amnesty International, and sent out an open letter to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, the People's Court of Guangdong Province, the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau, and the relevant departments of the Hong Kong government regarding Liu Shanqing's detention, asking for signatures.
There have also been some twists and turns in the publication of the joint-signed open letter. The newspapers only accepted one copy, which was published in the form of an advertisement, and required the handover of the photocopies of the signatories' ID cards. At that time, some people in the circle thought that the Liu Shanqing incident was very complicated and said they did not understand Liu Shanqing's background. There are some rumors or hints that Liu Shanqing is related to the Trotskyites, and some Trotskyists say that he is a Trotskyite. However, a friend who was a classmate and worked with Liu Zeng believes that there is no political ideology that can sum up Liu Shanqing, and he can barely say that he is an anarchist. Another friend of his said that if he labeled all the more independent people like Liu as "Trotskyists", it would really be an uplifting "Trotskyist". He believes that Liu Shanqing is not a "big man" active in the Hong Kong student movement and social movement, but an ordinary "little man".
Then, the incident of Liu Shanqing also reacted in the UK. Last July, MP Jia Lewen asked the British government in the House of Commons how to deal with the incident of Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing being detained by China. He asked the Commonwealth Minister whether the British or Hong Kong government had sent representatives to consult with the government of the People's Republic of China on the detention of Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing by the Guangzhou authorities without trial. The Minister of Commonwealth Affairs replied: Liu Shanqing does not hold a British passport, and the British government has inquired the Chinese government about Liu's disappearance and detention through legitimate channels. In addition, the Minister of the Commonwealth Office said in another reply to a question that Chinese people holding British passports in Hong Kong cannot obtain the protection of the British consulate in China because they are considered to hold dual nationality, but the British consular officials will try their best to do so. Others provide necessary help.
Later, in October last year, Liu Shanqing's father and members of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" received a letter from the Hong Kong Chief Secretary's Office in reply to their letter to the Governor of Hong Kong in February last year. , the Chinese authorities stated that Liu was regarded as a national of the People's Republic of China, and since the document he held when he traveled to China was a "Certificate of Compatriots" (a home-return permit issued to residents of Hong Kong and Macau), he was recognized as a Chinese national. Chinese authorities also explained that Liu had been "detained by authorities for wrongdoing".
Secret trial?
Since Liu Shanqing was detained, the Chinese authorities have kept it a secret and have not released any information about the incident. After Liu was detained, his family was not informed or heard at all. It was not until his father went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau for inquiries three months after the incident that he was verbally informed that Liu had been detained, but he did not inform him of the reason for the detention, nor did he inform him. Father Liu is expected to visit his son.
If Chinese authorities believe Liu Shanqing is a Chinese national, the family should be notified within 24 hours under China's current criminal procedure law. Article 42 of the "Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China" stipulates that the public security organ detains a person: "After detaining a person, unless it hinders the investigation or cannot be notified, the reason for the detention and the place of detention shall be reported in the 20th century. Within four hours, notify the family members of the detained person or his unit." Article 50 of the Criminal Procedure Law also stipulates that the family members be notified within 24 hours of arrest. If Liu's family members are in Hong Kong and "can't be notified", then Liu's father went to Guangzhou twice last year to inquire, and why didn't he tell the reason for the detention?
At the same time, it is unknown whether Liu Shanqing's long-term detention is in line with the Criminal Procedure Law. Article 92 of the "Criminal Procedure Law" stipulates: "The term of detention for a defendant under investigation shall not exceed two months. In cases where the circumstances of the case are complex and the time limit cannot be concluded, it may be extended for one month with the approval of the people's procuratorate at the next higher level. For major and complicated cases, the extension cannot be concluded in accordance with the previous provisions, and the Supreme People's Procuratorate shall report to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress for approval to postpone the trial." However, Liu Shanqing has been detained for a long time, is the case "especially serious and complicated"?
China's Constitution clearly states that "citizens' personal freedom and residence shall not be infringed upon", and also stipulates that "the state protects the legitimate rights and interests of overseas Chinese and their relatives." If Liu Shanqing did not violate the criminal law, he should have been released immediately according to the law, and a release certificate should be issued. At the same time, if they are detained, they should also submit to the people's procuratorate for approval of arrest within three days, and the court must conduct inquiries within 24 hours after the arrest. If Liu Shanqing's accusation is not an "intentional crime", if he does commit what China calls "wrongful acts" in its reply to the British government, he should be tried in accordance with the law, and the indictment transferred by the public security organs should be decided within one month and conducted in public . There has been no report on whether the procedures stipulated in these legal provisions have been implemented, and even Liu Shanqing's family has not been notified. As a result, it was only fifteen months after the accident that he verbally replied to Liu's father, saying that he had been sentenced to ten years in prison.
It is very likely that Liu Shanqing's trial was held in secret. Because when Wu Zhongxian was arrested in 1981, the public security personnel once said to him: If the trial is to be carried out, the process must be secret; if Nuguo is convicted, he can be sentenced to ten years in prison, life imprisonment or even death, and the outside world will always have nothing to do with it. known. He also said that even if people "disappeared", overseas "denunciations" would have no effect.
At present, it is still unclear whether Liu's father was urged by Guangzhou court officials to "cooperate" with his son. Whether it means that the sentencing has not yet been "finalized" and that there is still room for "negotiation". This is believed to be only after Liu's father really got the notice.
Is the Liu case "killing chickens to warn monkeys"?
Although China has not disclosed the reasons for Liu's case, it is generally estimated that it is related to the problems of the pro-democracy movement. The detention of Liu Shanqing undoubtedly has the effect of alerting people in Hong Kong who support the Chinese democracy movement and have contacts with the democracy movement elements. The Chinese government's attitude towards the pro-democracy movement is very serious. The domestic pro-democracy activists arrested in 1981 have been sentenced successively. Among them, the more well-known ones, such as Wang Xizhe, He Qiu, and Xu Wenli, have all been sentenced to ten years or more. Therefore, if Liu Shanqing was detained in connection with the pro-democracy movement, he would likely be sentenced to a severe sentence (the Guangzhou court verbally confirmed that Liu's father was sentenced to ten years in prison, which is a very heavy sentence), and the charge would be "counter-revolutionary crime".
Guangzhou court officials said Liu Shanqing was "uncooperative", but did not specify the content. It may be that the request for Liu Shanqing to provide materials failed, or it may have been provided but the relevant Chinese personnel were not satisfied. Some even speculate that the Chinese authorities may accuse Liu Shanqing of being related to the "Chinese Communist League" that domestic pro-democracy activists have discussed launching, and Liu Shanqing refuses to admit or is seen as not cooperating on the accusation. The confirmed Beijing court's judgment against Beijing pro-democracy activist Xu Wenli stated that Xu Wenli, Wang Xizhe, and others had gathered in Beijing in June 1980 to attempt to organize the "Chinese Communist League" (see "The Seventies" on November 11, 1981. month number). It is very likely that the CCP authorities will criminalize Liu Shanqing's association with this "alliance" and label the pro-democracy movement and overseas supporters as a group that colludes with both inside and outside.
In addition, according to a supporter of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee", Liu's father was told when he was in Guangzhou that the rescue committees were all bad people, and he said, not without threats, that if they came for Liu Shanqing's business, they would "" Let's grab one."
trampling on human rights
Liu Shanqing is one of the many "Hong Kong people" in mainland China who have been "disappeared", arrested or sentenced, and many others are unknown or undisclosed. A notable example is Huang Xian, a Harvard law doctor who has been secretly detained by China for more than a year. In addition, a student from a Hong Kong tertiary institution was accused of being a spy in China and sentenced to five years in prison. He wrote about this experience and published it in the "Ban Yue Xie" last year under the pseudonym Fang Yijun. It is also understood that Lin Zhiyi, a former editor of Hong Kong's "Beidou" magazine and later editor of "Anti-Building Buildings", a collection of novels by educated young people from mainland China, was also detained in Guangzhou in March last year. According to a report in the Asian Wall Street Journal last October, it is estimated that about 100 people from Hong Kong have been detained on the mainland for various reasons.
At the moment when the rule of law is being promoted in China, incidents like Liu Shanqing once again cast doubt on the legal system and its implementation in mainland China. The most puzzling thing is: what did Liu Shanqing do? There has to be an open account. Silent detentions and silent trials will only intimidate the hearts of Hong Kong residents.
At a time when Hong Kong is currently in a politically sensitive period, Hong Kong residents have no personal protection in mainland China, so it is difficult for Hong Kong residents to trust any assurances given by Chinese leaders after taking back Hong Kong's sovereignty.
Li Jinfeng New Newspaper Special
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(The New Paper, September 27, 1982)
Out of concern for the Wang Xizhe incident, he stepped into danger
Liu Shanqing detained in mainland China, detained for more than nine months, life and death unknown
The loving father leans on the pavilion and hopes for his son to return, but there is no way to negotiate and weep no tears
"He is a good son, and the relationship between his family and his family is very harmonious. Now, the family's financial needs are in difficulties because of him." Hong Kong youth Liu Shanqing traveled to China in December last year. No news, no life or death. For a long time, Liu's family has kept silent to the press, silently doing the work of caring for their beloved son.
Until a few days ago, Liu's father was interviewed by reporters for the first time and disclosed the truth to the outside world. "Shan Qing is 29 years old. He was born in the Mainland, but grew up in Hong Kong to receive education. He graduated from the University of Hong Kong in 1976 with a Bachelor of Science degree. He has worked as an engineer and teacher." Seven years old, is a hard-working metal worker. Ai Er has achieved academic success and is determined to devote himself to the profession and ideal of serving the society. He can be a good example among all children, and can help parents to reduce the financial burden more practically.
It is not difficult to imagine the comfort of Liu's father in the past. However, Ai'er suddenly disappeared overnight in a different place; at this time, Father Liu's panic and anxiety about Ai'er were naturally easier to imagine.
I just say I've violated the law, nothing else
"I went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau again in March and June to make inquiries. During my first visit, I received a verbal notification from an unnamed courier sent by the Guangzhou authorities, saying that my son had broken the law and had been detained pending trial. He Fa, who was imprisoned there, and whether or not he was able to meet in person was refused to reveal one by one. I had no choice but to return. In June, they even said that more visits were unnecessary. In February and March, I went to the Executive and Legislative Council members. The office asked for help and was interviewed by the secretary, but there was no answer. I wrote to the former governor of Hong Kong and received a reply from the governor's office, which means that I will get a concrete reply in due course, but until today, I have never received any , Further information from the governments of Hong Kong and Hong Kong.” So far, Liu Shanqing disappeared in September. Liu’s father said: “I don’t understand why my son was arrested. I need to hear the explanation from the Chinese government.”
Hong Kong relatives and friends run to rescue without results
In response, Liu Shanqing's generation concerned about his whereabouts and rights initiated a "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee". It is said that the members of the committee explained: "Liu Shanqing cares about social affairs and the future of democracy in China. He once actively participated in the Golden Jubilee Student Movement, Boathu Incident. On December 25, he learned that Wang Xizhe, whom he knew in China, had been arrested, and rushed to Guangzhou to inquire about Wang's whereabouts and condolences to his family. Perhaps his enthusiasm was not welcomed by the Chinese authorities, so he made arrested."
This committee has launched signature campaigns several times and collected 250 autographs. These signatures will be sent to Beijing by double registered mail together with a letter requesting the disclosure of the truth about Liu's incident and the release of Liu, and they will be signed by the National People's Congress. . In view of the lack of official response for a long time, the three representatives of the committee went to Xinhua News Agency to submit a petition letter on September 4, but it was rejected. The committee also distributed 6,000 flyers at the 918 Victoria Park rally. What does Father Liu think about this committee: "It is very necessary for friends to help each other, and there is at least morality among friends."
For China and the Hong Kong government, what requirements does he have? "I hope the Chinese side can release my son as soon as possible so that he can return home safely. The Hong Kong government hopes that it can investigate my son's whereabouts and intercede on his behalf."
In August, British MP Carner, who served in Parliament, asked the Hong Kong government whether Hong Kong citizens had been detained without trial by the Chinese authorities. However, the UK has inquired about the whereabouts through legitimate channels, but so far has not received a reply from China.
Chinese with Hong Kong British passports cannot get the protection of the British consulate in China because they are considered to have dual nationality, but the British consular officers will still try to provide them with the necessary help.
It reflects the CCP’s contempt for human rights
Recently, the number of people who travel back to the mainland has doubled. How many people are unfortunate enough to be imprisoned during the interview? In a democratic and rational society, personal liberty and personal security are the minimum entitlements. Can Hong Kong citizens have such rights and are protected by the government? The Liu Shanqingshan incident can be described as a challenge to the Hong Kong government's democratic showcase.
(Reporter: Li Jinfeng)
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Author's note: "Hu Ping read the article, and he said on my Facebook years later: 'I have remembered a Hong Konger's name since then - Liu Shanqing.'
Hu Ping is a theoretician and scholar of overseas democracy movement. He has been the chief editor of China Spring and Beijing Spring magazines. "
Everyone's comments
"Liu Shanqing should be released immediately!" 》
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"Liu Shanqing should be released immediately!" 》
(The October Review, Volume 9, Issue 4, April 1982)
Major newspapers in Hong Kong have recently widely reported that Hong Kong youth Liu Shanqing was arrested by the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau, which has aroused the attention of the public, because this is not only an issue of the personal freedom of Hong Kong compatriots who care about the motherland, but also shows that China China's legal system is still in name only, and law enforcement officers continue to break the law; in this country where there is no law, not only domestic citizens' due freedom rights are constantly being trampled on, but also overseas compatriots are often detained when they return to China. possible.
According to reports, Liu Shanqing graduated from the University of Hong Kong six years ago and was a member of the current affairs committee of the University of Hong Kong and the current affairs committee of the Catholic Tertiary Federation. During the Tiananmen Square Incident in April or May, he expressed his support for this revolutionary action of the masses in Beijing. After graduating, he continued to care about and support social movements and struggles in various places, such as the Jinxi Middle School incident, the second defense of the Diaoyutai incident, the Yau Ma Tei boaters fighting for the right to live ashore, the struggle of the laid-off employees after Jiayi TV went bankrupt, etc. In the past two years, he has even supported China's democratic movement and exchanged ideas with Chinese democracy activists. All these show that he is a promising young man who loves the people and the progress of the motherland. Before his arrest, he worked for a company in Hong Kong as an engineer and also as a teacher.
However, he went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981, intending to visit the families of the arrested Chinese pro-democracy activists, and then returned to Hong Kong. But for more than two months, his family couldn't hear from him at all. In mid-March this year, when his father went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau for questioning, he received verbal confirmation from the bureau that Liu Shanqing had been arrested by the bureau, but he was not informed of the reason for the arrest, and whether there would be a public trial. He was also refused to meet his son. requirements.
The above-mentioned reports in the Hong Kong newspapers explain:
First, the entire history and performance of Liu Shanqing's education and work in Hong Kong are known to many classmates, colleagues and friends. Those who know him will believe that he is not a bad person, but a progress of good moral character who loves the people and the motherland. Young people; even if he visits the family members of the arrested pro-democracy activists in China, he expresses condolences purely out of his care and sympathy for those family members; such visits are the rights and obligations that everyone should enjoy, and should not constitute any "crime". Moreover, the activities to strive for the realization of socialist democracy in China are by no means a criminal act. Therefore, if the CCP arrests Liu Jun on the basis that Liu Shanqing went to visit the families of the arrested pro-democracy activists, there is absolutely no reason.
Second, if the CCP arrests Liu Shanqing on the basis of his political and ideological opinions that differ from the CCP’s, it would be a crime to infiltrate people with ideology, which is equally unreasonable. Such detention is also a direct violation of the constitutional provisions promulgated by the CCP, which stipulates that citizens have freedom of speech and communication (Article 45). This freedom of course means that different speeches and thoughts are allowed. It stipulates that citizens have the freedom of belief and communication. The freedom not to believe in religion (Article 46), of course, should also include the freedom to believe in different political ideas. And such detention violates its Article 47: "Citizens' personal liberty and residence shall not be violated", and also violates its Article 54: "The state protects the legitimate rights and interests of overseas Chinese and their relatives. "
Third, the entire process of the CCP’s detention of Liu Shanqing also directly trampled on the “Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China” (hereinafter referred to as “the Law”) formulated by the CCP itself and implemented on January 1, 1980. Yes:
1 Article 50 of the law stipulates that after arrest, "the reason for the arrest and the place of detention shall be notified within 24 hours to the family members of the arrested person or his unit." However, the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau not only This requirement has not been fulfilled for more than a month, and when Liu Jun's father met the person in charge of the public security bureau, he still hadn't been notified of the reasons for the arrest.
2. Article 92 of the law stipulates: "The period of detention of the defendant during the investigation shall not exceed one month." However, from December 23 last year, until Liu's father met with the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau and confirmed that Liu Shanqing was indeed arrested , it has been more than two and a half months; it has been more than three months since Liu was arrested and when various Hong Kong newspapers reported the incident, but the reports still do not know that Liu Shanqing has been released or charged.
Although the law "explains" the official indefinite detention, saying that cases with "complex circumstances" can be extended for one month, and "especially important and complex cases" can be "approved for postponement" by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, but A situation like Liu Shanqing's case is not "complicated", let alone "especially important and complicated"!
In order to promote the implementation of a genuine socialist legal system in China, protect the basic rights of the people, and prevent the recurrence of unjust, false and wrongful convictions, Liu Shanqing's family members, friends and general public have every reason to request the Chinese government to handle the Liu Shanqing incident fairly and openly in accordance with the law. If the Chinese government finds that it has real evidence to prove that Liu Jun has committed a crime, a public trial should be held; during the trial, Liu Jun's family and friends should have the right to be heard, and Liu Shanqing has the right to "entrust a defender" on his own according to law ("Appointment"). Article 110 of the Criminal Procedure Code) and the exercise of various rights of one's own "statement and defense" and "final statement" (Article 118 of the Criminal Procedure Code); the trial process and its records should also be published in order to ensure fairness.
However, if Liu Shanqing did not commit any "crime" at all, but only committed the "crime of desire" and the crime of different ideological and political views (if any), then Liu Jun should be released immediately and unconditionally.
Since the law expressly stipulates: "The people's courts shall try cases of first instance in public." (Article 111), "All judgments are pronounced in public." rather than law enforcement. Since it also stipulates that "the people's procuratorate shall make a decision within one month of cases that the public security organs transfer or exempt from prosecution" (97th year); then, the procuratorial organs must deal with them according to the law. Therefore, the above-mentioned request for the Liu Shanqing incident is completely justified and justified even according to the current Chinese law. If China's law enforcement agencies and personnel do not do this, they will once again abuse themselves that the laws enacted by the CCP are pretentious and deceptive. And the people magazines and pro-democracy fighters all over the country who were unreasonably arrested in 1981 (more than 30 people are known) have not yet heard or seen reports that they have been publicly interrogated and judged whether they are guilty or not, and they have not been released. There is no doubt that more arrested persons will be treated in the same way.
Moreover, although Article 3 of the above-cited law stipulates that "the people's court shall be responsible for the trial, and no other organ, group or individual has the right to exercise these powers." But in fact, after the promulgation and implementation of this law, it is known that many people (such as Liu Qing, etc.) were illegally "sentenced" to "re-education through labor" by "other" agencies other than the court, the Public Security Bureau (a disguised imprisonment to describe it with nice words).
The examples cited above show that the CCP still does not obey the self-made "laws". They have been undermining their own prestige and exacerbating the people's crisis of trust in it. These are the most concrete manifestations.
More than a month ago, Common People published an article titled "Shenzhou Lu Leng", the author Fang Yijun (formerly a student of a Hong Kong college) said that he was "unreasonably arrested in China, and then innocently sentenced to" spy' and served five years in prison". Countless cases of wrongful convictions in China have been vindicated in the past five years (of course there are many more that have not been vindicated), and new ones are still being created! Those in power think that they have the right to do whatever they want and continue to do the "monk's umbrella" business, but the result is that they are only ruining their own credit, belief, and confidence among the people at home and abroad (if these are still there for some people) some surviving words). It's like digging your own grave!
Not long ago, some newspapers in Hong Kong vigorously promoted the lenient policy of the Chinese leaders, and welcomed Taiwan's military and political officials (specially named Chiang Ching-kuo and other high-level figures) to come back to the mainland to see for themselves, to ensure that all people "come and go freely". In the past few years, after the "enlightened" and "reformists" came to power, they declared that they would be open to the outside world and welcome overseas compatriots to return home to visit relatives. But many people are suddenly arrested. These ordinary people are not treated as preferentially as the rulers of Taiwan. It has been disclosed that the more famous ones, such as Fontaine, are said to have been arrested while traveling to participate in an art exhibition, and later heard that he was sentenced. But the truth is still a mystery to this day, that is, the loss of freedom because of returning to the country for no apparent reason.
Wu Zhongxian is another example. And Liu Shanqing is a relatively new one. How many others have been persecuted without disclosure?
According to reports by people who have witnessed the contents of the No. 9 document of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the document instructs: Anyone who has participated in a non-governmental organization, or has provided tools or materials of their own unit to support the democratic movement, or has read such (civil) publications. People are all on the list. Any party member, league member, or cadre who has any of the above contacts will be punished or mobilized to quit the party. These regulations show that the targets of the CCP’s suppression are very broad. I don't know how many people in China have been investigated and punished.
It is conceivable from this that people who have expressed support for the domestic democratic movement overseas will probably be "checked" and put on a blacklist; if these people step into the country, they will be "subject to punishment". The case of Liu Shanqing is such a warning sign!
However, what Liu Jun and others have lost will be personal freedom and physical pain, which are mostly temporary and can be exchanged for a beneficial education price; what the CCP has lost is the hearts and minds of compatriots at home and abroad. But it is a long-term, or even permanent damage!
April 6, 1982
Ai Fan "Support Liu Shanqing"
("The Hong Kong Economic Journal", "With the Motherland in Mind and the World in Mind", April 1982)
The incident of Liu Shanqing being detained in China was finally made public through the press. This incident is the same as the Wu Zhongxian incident. People in China have already known about it, but this time, in order not to make the parties more embarrassed and make the matter more complicated, everyone agreed not to make the matter public until the official whereabouts of him are known—but there is a magazine Disregarding this tacit understanding, he grabbed news early in the morning and made public the matter without naming names. He couldn't keep the small promises. What kind of benevolence and morality? Not yet a "themist" hypocrite. Now Liu Shanqing's family went to Guangzhou to confirm that he was detained, but they didn't know his charges. They called for a public interrogation, etc., and made the matter public to the press. Everyone should stand up for him.
I don't know Liu Shanqing, but according to the descriptions given to me by some friends who have been with him for a period of time, Liu Shanqing is a typical small person type, who may be full of enthusiasm, but behave very eccentrically. Such a person must not pose any threat to the CCP.
public hearing
It is probably a fact that Liu Shanqing is connected with pro-democracy activists. But everyone is Chinese, an independent individual, making friends with like-minded people in China, I don't know what crime can I get into him? Friendship sin? Of course, there is another point, which is "sin of desire".
That is to say, he is a "crime of desire", or Liu Shanqing has committed other crimes in the country. Today, when the Chinese people pay attention to the rule of law, Liu Shanqing should at least be tried in public. If he deserves what he deserves, he should be detained and punished, and we can't blame China for justice. From China's standpoint, if it is not a guilty conscience, the public trial of Liu Shanqing will bring justice to the world and prove that Liu Shanqing deserves what he deserves. It will not only help the CCP's image overseas, but also help the establishment of the legal system. It is a big thing and should be done.
The CCP may want to use the Liu Shanqing incident to convey a message to overseas people, that is, dissidents in China, "Don't approach strangers", and those with organizational relationships such as Wu Zhongxian have suffered, even enthusiastic young people are treated the same. If the CCP does this, it will only deepen the general political fear and political indifference at home and abroad, which is a major obstacle to the development of China's democratic independence. Since open and upright activities are not allowed, everything will naturally develop underground; if it is difficult to speak alone, organize it; without international solidarity, it is easy to fall into danger, and everyone is looking for connections. Today’s domestic politics are full of strange phenomena, which can be said to be forced by the CCP. Instead, the “British Emperor” is extremely corrupt. Her people don’t need to engage in any intrigue. The lesson is obvious. It’s just that the CCP doesn’t open its eyes to see.
The means of killing the hard-to-exercise monkeys
Because the CCP's political line is changing rapidly, what is right today can be wrong tomorrow. Even some of the same newspapers in Hong Kong are often flattering hemorrhoids. Hong Kong people may be in the same danger as Liu Shanqing when interacting with anyone in the country. They met Deng Xiaoping on a certain day in a certain month, and when Deng Xiaoping lost power, he might also be charged with a crime. Everyone knows that his old man has a record of losing power three times. Who knows if there will be a fourth time in the future?
Relations with Hong Kong businessmen
From this point of view, the Liu Shanqing incident has a very universal significance. Anyone in Hong Kong who has a relationship of relatives, friends, communication or business with anyone in China is in danger of being in Liu Shanqing's situation today. Take the eradication of corruption as an example, there is not a businessman in Hong Kong who does business with China who has not sent a small gift such as a cigarette or two or a computer to a domestic cadre. There was a big ocean company that even publicly gave each domestic staff a computer at a trade fair. This was not a big deal at that time, but the next time Hong Kong businessmen entered the country to negotiate, they would be detained and asked to be detained. "Frankly" - I'm not alarming. In this issue of "1970s", we call on anti-corruption seekers to look for clues in Hong Kong, and Ren Zhongyi even further instructs anti-corruption without any money to frighten Hong Kong businessmen - Hong Kong If a businessman commits bribery and is convicted after a public trial, he has nothing to say. I am afraid that the "unnecessary" will be secretly detained, and even the whereabouts of the family members in Hong Kong will not be known. Three or five years later, in another campaign After being "rehabilitated", he suddenly appeared in front of his family, and he didn't know whether he was sad or happy.
People of Hong Kong and Taiwan
The above-mentioned wrongful, unjust, false, and politically repeated cases have been publicly acknowledged by the CCP itself. Those living in China have no way to sue and have nothing to say. We have seen these examples in Hong Kong. Some Hong Kong people do not want the CCP to take back Hong Kong, because they are afraid of the 1997 problem. This kind of lawless society is one of the biggest hidden worries. At least today Liu Shanqing was arrested. The CCP itself "dumps the rice", it's useless for me to oppose "Hong Kong independence" every day here. I believe that the people of Taiwan are not without this fear. Deng Xiaoping's statement that "investors rest assured" does not take effect is also because there is no rule of law in China. He said the count, others can not count, so what's your heart?
Since Liu Shanqing has been arrested, whether he will be released or not, he must be interrogated publicly. If he is innocent, he will be released, and if he is guilty, he will be detained. In the future, if Hong Kong people commit crimes in China, they will certainly be publicly interrogated. This is the minimum human right of every Chinese, including our "compatriots in Hong Kong and Macau".
Li Longgen·He Guopei Hong Kong government should take action on Liu case (Chinese translation)
Li Longgen · He Guopei
Compiler
Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing has been missing in China since Christmas last year. He graduated from the University of Hong Kong in 1976 and last worked as a sales engineer in the electronics industry in Hong Kong.
As far as we know, Mrs. Liu went to Guangzhou to inquire about the families of individual pro-democracy activists. He had planned to return to Hong Kong on December 28, 1981 at the latest. In fact, his employer had arranged for him to work based on the date he said he would return to Hong Kong.
However, so far, neither his family, employers, colleagues or friends have received any calls or messages from him. His family and friends were desperate to know what had happened to him.
His father has gone to Kwun Tong Police Station to report to the police, and has complained to the offices of the councillors of the two councils and even the Governor of Hong Kong, but they have remained silent.
Without any legal assistance, Father Liu went to Guangzhou to inquire about his son's whereabouts in person on March 13, 1982, and was verbally informed by officials of the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau that Liu Shanqing had been arrested, but did not disclose it. Details of Liu Shanqing's alleged charges or trial. Liu's father was refused to visit his son, and was only asked to return to Hong Kong to wait. It has been nearly half a year, and there is still no more definite news.
Under such circumstances, we doubt whether the Hong Kong government should be concerned about its law-abiding citizens; should be responsible for investigating Liu's disappearance in the mainland; whether it can assist Liu's father in finding out Liu Shanqing's alleged crimes and his safety.
We are eager to have a little bit of information from Liu Shanqing to relieve the worries of the Liu family.
The Tiger, 24 May 1982
HK Govt should act on Lau Shan Ching
A HONGKONG citizen, Lau Shan Ching, has disappeared in China since last Christmas. Lau Shan Ching was graduated from the University of Hongkong in 1976. His employment was an electronics sales engineer in Hongkong
We understand that Lau went to Canton to visit some of the relatives of Democratic Movement activist. He was expected to be back to Hongkong latest by December 28, 1981, and in fact his employer had scheduled his working plan from his expected return date.
However, up to the present moment, there is not a single message or call from him to say of his family members, his employer, office colleagues, or even his friends. All his family members and friends are therefore extremely anxious to know what may have happened to him.
His lather had reported the case to Kwun Tong police station, UMELCO, and even the governor but all parties remained silent.
without any legal channels to help tackle the case, his father went to Canton personally on March 13, 1982 to investigate the whereabouts of his son. He was verbally informed by the Canton Security Branch that Lau Shan Ching was under arrest. No detail of Lau's suspected offence nor (trial)if any, was revealed to his father. He was refused permission to pay even a brief visit to his son, but was told to come back to Hongkong and wait. So far, nearly six months has gone but nothing certain about Lau is heard
In this case, we wonder whether the Hongkong Government should show some concern for its law-abiding citizen ; whether the government should be responsible for investigation of Lau's disappearance across the border ; whether the government could help Lau's father to establish the safety and suspected charge against Lau Shan Ching
We hope the worries of Lau's family members can soon be relieved by some news on Law Shan Ching
Li Loong Kun
Ho Kwok Pui
Hong Kong Standard ; May 24(Mon), 1982
PEOPLE ARE SAYING.
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Zhang Yu The CCP should release Liu Shanqing immediately!
Zhang Yu
Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, went to Guangzhou at the end of last year to visit the family members of the arrested pro-democracy fighters. Unexpectedly, he was arrested by the CCP, and it has been half a year since then.
According to the "Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China", even if Liu Jun would have committed a crime, he should have already been submitted to the court for public trial. However, the CCP has been keeping its whereabouts secret:
No one knows where Liu Jun is currently imprisoned
No one can visit Liu Jun
No one knows why he was arrested
Even Liu Jun's family members only went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau to inquire and learned that their son had been arrested. In addition, I don't know anything about Liu Jun's situation. According to China's procedural law, the CCP can only list Liu's case as a "particularly important and complicated case" and "delay the trial with the approval of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress" for explanation.
But the CCP's tight-lipped attitude shows that it does not intend to "trial" Liu Jun in accordance with the law.
People only need to look back on how the CCP dealt with the pro-democracy fighters to understand that Liu Jun will never be treated fairly and justly. Last year, the CCP detained pro-democracy fighters from all over the country, and they are still imprisoned for a long time. In late May of this year, the CCP pretended to "publicly interrogate" He Qiu and Wang Xizhe. However, as far as the trial process is concerned, this trial was nothing more than a secret trial of "criminal by words". If people have read Liu Qing's "Notes in Prison" and "Wei Jingsheng's Court Interrogation Records", they will know what the so-called interrogation is all about!
Although the CCP never mentioned why Liu Shanqing was arrested. However, Liu Jun's position of supporting the domestic socialist democratic movement, and his active communication with the domestic democracy movement fighters, even after the "big arrest", still do not avoid the risk of visiting the families of the arrested, which is obviously not tolerated by the CCP.
According to the "No. 9 Document" issued by the CCP last year, in addition to arresting those who run civilian magazines and NGOs, the CCP obviously has to deal with those who support and sympathize with the pro-democracy movement. In a Guangzhou document written in accordance with the spirit of the "No. 9 Document", Guangzhou officials emphasized the role of Hong Kong compatriots in supporting the pro-democracy movement. According to Wu Zhongxian, who was once detained by the CCP, the CCP has mastered the "blacklist" of Hong Kong's support and sympathy for the domestic pro-democracy movement. In July last year, Wang Yifei, a pro-democracy activist in the Guangzhou area, was arrested for rescuing Wang Xizhe. People connect the above situation, isn't it obvious why Liu Shanqing was arrested?
The CCP has imprisoned Liu Jun for a long time, but never mentions his case, and even does not allow his family to visit him. support.)
There is no doubt that the CCP should release Liu Shanqing immediately if there is no reason and evidence. However, judging from the way the CCP has always treated pro-democracy fighters and dissidents, it is clear that people must actively support Liu Shanqing before they can force the CCP to release him.
"War News" August 5, 1982
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prime string not a movie
prime string
When the "Beijing Spring" was getting warmer and colder, and mainland activists such as Wang Xizhe, He Qiu, and Liu Qing were unreasonably detained by the authorities, a young Hong Kong youth named Liu Shanqing, at the end of December last year, out of concern for them, only Wanting to know more about the current situation in China, I took advantage of the Christmas holiday to rush to Guangzhou to visit Wang Xizhe's family. Unexpectedly, he never came back, and his whereabouts have been unknown since then. It has been more than seven months so far.
Liu's father went to Guangzhou to investigate in person in early March, and the Public Security Bureau verbally confirmed Liu Jun's arrest, but the Public Security Bureau refused to disclose the reason for the detention and did not allow his father to visit him. Isn't this situation exactly the same as the just-released foreign film "The Great Disappearance"? The film's "The Great Disappearance" occurred in a country in South America with long-term political turmoil, social unrest, and military dictatorship; the self-proclaimed communist ruler of China But it turns out that he has always been an expert at directing such plays!
The CCP has ruled the mainland for more than 30 years, and its essence has long been exposed: feudalism, bureaucracy and autocracy. Apart from creating hundreds of millions of poor and ignorant people, the most capable and effective dictatorship machine is probably this dictatorship machine that suppresses the people.
August 6, 1982
"Sing Tao Evening News" "Random"
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Li Zhijian to education system traitor Liu Shanqing
Brother Shanqing:
One day you will read this letter. you there? The people from the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau refused to answer your father, how do we know. The CCP has detained you for eight months without revealing any information to your relatives. What is criminal law, human rights, socialism, all “get a word”? China is still a paternalistic autocratic society shrouded in the specter of feudalism. A sword can't cut your Chinese bitter love. They detain you, ban you, bore you, beat you, why? Because you support the Chinese democracy movement with your actions.
If Hong Kong's educational goals teach people to submit and obey instead of creating independently, and teach people to compete for fame and fortune instead of cooperating with each other, then you, who have been reading for more than ten years, have failed. You are willing to be a rebel of Hong Kong's education system, and now your future is uncertain, there is no news, your relatives and friends are cut off, and there is a great desert in northern Momo outside the iron window?
Do you remember the "Economy and Public Affairs" you studied in secondary school? The teacher talked a lot about the organization of the United Nations, human ideals, and the rights and obligations of citizens. At that time, we all believed that the law could protect the human body. Now the British government can do nothing when you are a dependent territory citizen, that is to say, no matter what happens to you, no government in the world will protect your basic rights and interests. There are many people in Hong Kong who have the same identity as you: Hong Kong British.
There has been a lot of talk in the press these days that Hong Kong is better off maintaining the status quo. Of course capitalists think so. If their funds are in the United States, can they hire cheap and obedient labor? The British government certainly thinks so. The political and economic benefits that Hong Kong can provide are as good as the best sirloin steak. Ordinary citizens think the same, maybe they haven't tried a more democratic and just social system. And you, Liu Shanqing, are of course firmly opposed to maintaining the so-called "status quo" and reclamation at Jingwei.
Regarding your grievance, a member of the Parliament raised it in the British Parliament; a friend in Hong Kong held a press conference; I contacted the Police Force and the offices of the unofficial members of the two bureaus; Readers sent letters to some newspapers, but only the English Standard would publish them; they sent information to Amnesty International, which has been included in the archives; the open letter signed by more than 100 people was published in the "People" and "Express"; some of the posters of the open letter have been published. On the street; each copy of your dude’s impressions is on sale for 3 yuan; we went to Xinhua News Agency to inquire, and the person in charge said that they only do newspaper work in Hong Kong; He told us time and time again that we are still learning about the situation; a priest took advantage of Guangzhou to make inquiries to the Public Security Bureau on our behalf, but to no avail.
I drank tea last week, Aba, Jinzai, and Aaron were all there, I owe you. You are ruthless with the bureaucrats, but you are forced to "day and night" with them. Mengzhi is always strong, how can you be willing to come out of the cage? After you regain your freedom, you will still soar into the sky, and you will not fall for a few days. My personality, strategy and practice are all different from yours, but speaking up is the greatest common divisor between us.
Congratulations
physical and mental health
early freedom
On Li Zhijian August 1982
("Education Eye", The Hong Kong Economic Journal, August 25, 1982)
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What is the reason for detaining Liu Shanqing?
for what
On the same day that the Hong Kong Governor and five MPs went to the UK to discuss the 1997 issue, another Hong Kong news related to China went unnoticed. Three representatives of a committee named Rescue Liu Shanqing submitted an open letter to Xinhua News Agency and was rejected. The open letter was posted on the street and sent to Beijing by double registered letter on the 5th of last month. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress signed it.
Yifen Western News reported the matter in a prominent space, and published photos of representatives of the delivery, two of them wearing T-shirts, one wearing sunglasses, and holding a cigarette, looking like some kind of person.
Liu Shanqing, 29 years old, graduated from university and worked as an engineer. In December last year, he entered the mainland to visit the family members of two pro-democracy activists who were arrested and imprisoned.
The open letter calls for Liu Shanqing to defend himself or hire a lawyer to defend himself.
Outsiders do not know whether Liu Shanqing's behavior in mainland China is disappearance or arrest, and what crime he committed.
But it is certain that China is actively developing tourism, attracting Hong Kong tourists to return to China, and will never pull people for no reason. There must be a reason for Liu Shanqing's arrest.
Some people think that China's implementation of the legal system, and the public trial of Liu Shanqing, is detrimental to his image.
But political events are special and should not be made public. If the rule of law is Hong Kong, political prisoners will not be prosecuted in accordance with normal procedures, and they will be detained indefinitely, and their activities will be verified and deported. China will not deport Liu Shanqing to Hong Kong, where he lives, and probably wants him to be punished in order to deter sympathizers from other pro-democracy activists.
(September 15, 1982, "Beyond Hong Kong News" in The Hong Kong Economic Journal)
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Ma Jiahui presses Hong Kong government to make statement on Liu Shanqing incident
Mr. Editor:
The detention of Liu Shanqing, this "respectable role model", "uneasy about living in the camp", "not following the trend", "courage to tear down the hypocrisy of the world", "behaving like a child made of diamonds", "supportive" A true fighter of the Chinese democracy movement" was detained. Liu Shanqing graduated from the University of Hong Kong. He insists on the "social conscience" of intellectuals and believes that "the society needs him"!
"Society needs him!", "Society needs him!" He has given himself to society. He participated in the current affairs committee of the Hong Kong University Students' Union, he participated in the campaign "against the increase in military spending of the British troops stationed in Hong Kong", he supported the mass movement of the "Tiananmen Incident", he held a night school for workers, he opposed the closure of the Golden Hei Secondary School by the Hong Kong government, and he fought for the boaters in Yau Ma Tei to go ashore, He fought for the resumption of work for "Jia Shi" employees, he supported the Chinese democracy movement, and he paid tears and sweat for the social movement. But now, it is not that he no longer pays attention to the society, but that the society ignores him.
It is not surprising that Liu Shanqing was "detained by the authorities for unlawful conduct". If the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" wants to save Liu from prison, there is and only one way: to force the Hong Kong government to "state its position"! The various "requests" now made to the CCP authorities are basically seeking skin from a tiger. It is impossible to talk more without talking, because talk is nothing but talk. Since the founding of the country, the CCP has used various methods to deal with dissidents. Is it not a lesson for us? Just how old is Liu Shanqing? The only solution for now is to try our best to force the Hong Kong government to "state its position", to state its position and principles, and it must not be left to chance, because this is not only a question of Liu Shanqing's "identity", but also the "identity" of our five million Hong Kong people. Who is willing to be a "marginal person"? Who doesn't want the "protection" of their own government? The "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" should hold more press conferences, lodge a strong protest against the Hong Kong government's "not expressing its position", and explain to the public the seriousness of the problems involved in the "Liu Shanqing Incident".
Yin Haiguang said a paragraph twenty-two years ago:
"I am in this small study room, and I am immersed in the history of the rise and fall of the past and the present, but after all, I am in the same era and on the same island with such a group of people. My body is like everything about freedom of thought and freedom of speech. Like the body of a human being, it is exposed unabashedly to a power without restraint."
Although we are not on "the same island" as Mr. Yin, "an unconstrained power" has gradually spread over us. Can we keep quiet about this "weird phenomenon"?
Writing here, I can not help but chill. Maybe in the near future, the CCP authorities will be able to send people to Hong Kong to arrest people at will, while "our" government will watch on the sidelines, or even make it easier.
Please publish this letter in "The Common People" as a suggestion to the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" and as a solidarity for the "Liu Shanqing Incident". wish
it is good
Sincerely, Ma Jiahui
November 8, 1982
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Li Peizhong Huang Xian and Liu Shanqing
At the end of last year, when Liu Shanqing stepped into mainland China, he never dreamed that he would be regarded as a Chinese citizen by the Chinese government, and he never imagined that the British government would also regard him as a Chinese citizen. Hong Kong-born Liu Shanqing could have applied for British citizenship under the British and Hong Kong nationality laws, but he did not. The attitude of the Chinese and British governments has resulted in the Hong Kong citizen being detained in China for nearly a year without explanation by the Chinese government, and he has not been visited by representatives of the Hong Kong government. Liu Shanqing's situation fully shows that Hong Kong people are not protected by any legal protection in China.
The situation of another Hong Kong citizen, Huang Xian, is very similar to that of Liu Shanqing. Hong Kong-born Huang Xian worked in the United States for a while after earning a Ph.D. from Harvard Law School. He was detained by the Chinese government in Beijing earlier this year. His US long-term residence permit and Hong Kong British passport did not bring him a reasonable disposition. The patriotic actions Huang Xian participated in in the United States, such as the Diaoyu Protection and Unified Transport, did not result in him being "legally" disposed of by the Chinese government. After Huang Xian's arrest, like Liu Shanqing, the Chinese authorities have not informed his relatives and friends. The detention and interrogation period is only three months, and the case of Liu Shanqing and Huang Xian has been nearly a year. The decision and reasons for the long-term detention inquiries have never been announced by the relevant authorities. It appears that Chinese law does not protect the two Hong Kong citizens.
The Chinese government claims that its criminal law is consistent with foreign and Chinese citizens. But such claims do not appear to apply to Liu Shanqing and Huang Xian, whether they are Chinese citizens or foreigners.
The Chinese government believes that Liu Shanqing and others are Chinese citizens, and the reason is that Liu Shanqing returned to mainland China with a home return permit. However, in 1979, when China announced the issuance of the Home Return Permit, it did not provide the same explanation. Otherwise, the number of Hong Kong Chinese applying for the Home Return Permit might be greatly reduced. Because, importantly, the Chinese government simply does not allow Hong Kong Chinese to use other travel documents to enter mainland China, which is actually a conspiracy to force naturalization. Of course, Hong Kong Chinese can not enter the mainland, then things will not happen like that.
But now that China plans to take back Hong Kong, the nationality of Hong Kong Chinese cannot be avoided by not traveling back to the mainland.
Not only does China intend to take back the land in Hong Kong, it also considers the vast majority of the Chinese in Hong Kong to be its "compatriots" or citizens, but for no apparent reason. In the Nationality Law promulgated by the Chinese government in September 1980, Article 3 stipulates that China does not recognize dual nationality. Hong Kong Chinese or other Chinese are Chinese citizens or not, and people cannot have dual British or Chinese nationality at the same time. Article 5 of the Chinese Nationality Law also stipulates that any person born overseas, whose father or mother is a Chinese citizen, will be a Chinese citizen. However, if he himself has taken another nationality, he is not a Chinese citizen.
(One of the nationalities of 1997 and Hong Kong people)
("On the End of Taiping Mountain", "The Letter", November 29, 1982)
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Chen Ling can save Liu Shanqing only by actively running!
Chen Ling
Chinese authorities recently confirmed to the British consulate in Beijing that Hong Kong youth Liu Shanqing had indeed been detained.
However, the Chinese government has always refused to reveal what crimes Liu Shanqing committed, where he was held and when he would be released.
When Liu Shanqing disappeared in Guangzhou, it happened to be the height of the CCP's vigorous suppression of the pro-democracy movement. Therefore, we can believe that no matter what the CCP's reason for arresting Liu Shanqing is, the target and target it intends to attack is definitely not Liu, but the entire democratic movement and the entire historical direction of China. Therefore, it handled the case of Liu Shanqing, like it did with other detained pro-democracy activists, using secret, unwarranted and illegal imprisonment. The CCP wants to use these tactics precisely because it cannot produce actual evidence to convict it, cannot refute the ideals held by the pro-democracy activists, and cannot persuade the people to believe in the slander it has inflicted on the pro-democracy activists. The CCP’s sneaky behavior disproves the innocence and innocence of those secretly detained.
"When detaining a person, the public security organ must present a detention certificate. After the detention, unless it hinders the investigation or cannot be notified, the reason for the detention and the place of detention shall be notified to the detainee's family within 24 hours. Or his unit." "Criminal Law and Procedural Law of the People's Republic of China Chapter VI Article 43" The CCP hopes that the people will believe that it respects the Constitution and the legal system; it hopes that the people will wait patiently for it to complete the tasks of the four modernizations; however, its behavior But it has repeatedly and more forcefully persuaded the people that it runs counter to these intentions.
We know that, such as Fu Yuehua, Liu Qing, Ren Wanding, Wang Xizhe, He Qiu, Xu Wenli and other known "whereabouts" pro-democracy activists, their news is not voluntarily spread by the CCP ruling party, but secretly spread by people with a heart ; We know that some of them have been sentenced to 14 or 15 years in prison... However, there are still more "prisoners of conscience" who have been convicted of speech and thought, whose whereabouts are still unknown; Liu Shanqing is just one of us A more familiar one. By the time this article was published in front of readers, Liu Shanqing had been secretly detained by the CCP for a full year; and more Chinese democracy activists had also been imprisoned in the CCP’s black prison for a longer period of time.
Based on past experience, we know that the CCP will not release people for no reason. Just as the 4 or 5 Tiananmen Square riots that have now become milestones in the pro-democracy movement were "reversed", it was not of the CCP's will. Only the voice of the people and the pressure of the people can converge into a torrent stronger than the CCP's repressive machine, forcing the CCP to release the detained pro-democracy activists. Only our awakening, our unity, and our active running can save Liu Shanqing, the fate of other pro-democracy activists, and the fate of China's democratic reform.
For those who care about the future of China's socialist democracy and the five modernizations, it's time to sit back and do what they say!
(October Review, December 12, 1982)
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Huang Songming The nationality of overseas Chinese
Huang Songming
I never say a word about the detention of Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing by the Chinese authorities, because I have absolutely no knowledge of the origins of the matter and I am not qualified to speak. What I want to talk about now is not the political issue of Liu Shanqing being detained by the Chinese authorities, but the nationality of the Chinese born in Hong Kong, because it is said that Liu Shanqing is of British nationality, and it is illegal for the Chinese authorities to detain him as a Chinese citizen. It's a forced naturalization conspiracy.
First of all, what I want to talk about is China's nationality law. Its scope of application is overseas Chinese with Chinese ancestry, excluding Hong Kong and Macau, because the CCP has always insisted that Hong Kong and Macau are China's territory since the founding of the People's Republic of China. Therefore, Whether it is a Chinese immigrating from China to Hong Kong and Macao, an overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia who immigrated to Hong Kong and Macao, or a Chinese born in Hong Kong and Macao, in the eyes of the Chinese authorities, they are all Hong Kong and Macao compatriots, not overseas Chinese. Hong Kong and Macao Chinese do not need to apply if they return to mainland China to travel, visit relatives or settle down, but they must obtain a Hong Kong and Macao compatriots return home permit in accordance with the regulations of the authorities (previously, they filled out a Hong Kong and Macao compatriots returning home introduction letter when crossing the border). Of course, under the current circumstances, a Chinese in Hong Kong may not recognize himself as a Chinese national, but as long as he can acquire a foreign nationality, according to China's nationality law, he will automatically renounce his Chinese nationality. But there is an exception here, that is, the nationality of the British Dependent Territory (Hong Kong) is not included, because China does not recognize Hong Kong as a British Dependent Territory, so the passport of the British Dependent Territory (Hong Kong) is invalid in China, if a Hong Kong resident Those who want to enter mainland China to travel or visit relatives with this passport will not be accepted.
The Chinese authorities have not forced the Chinese in Hong Kong to obtain the Hong Kong and Macau Home Return Permit, and those who do not recognize themselves as Chinese compatriots may not take it. But if a Hong Kong resident voluntarily took the Hong Kong and Macao compatriots' home return permit, entered mainland China, participated in political activities in China, and said that he was not a Chinese national after an accident, would it still be a good thing? I don't believe that Liu Shanqing is so anticlimactic. If so, then he is not qualified to engage in politics.
The nationality issue of overseas Chinese is a headache due to the complexity of China's history. China had signed a dual citizenship treaty with Indonesia in the past, but it was later dismissed due to a coup in Indonesia. As for the Nationality Law promulgated by China in 1980, it allows overseas Chinese who hold foreign nationality to renounce their Chinese nationality automatically. This is good for the overseas Chinese and the country where the overseas Chinese live. But not every overseas Chinese who holds a foreign passport is willing to renounce his Chinese nationality automatically, especially when he travels or visits relatives within China, he wants to be regarded as a Chinese. Therefore, an overseas Chinese who holds a foreign passport can apply for the National Return Certificate for Citizens of the People's Republic of China. When he travels or visits relatives in China with this certificate, he wants to be regarded as a Chinese. Therefore, an overseas Chinese who holds a foreign passport can previously apply for a national repatriation certificate of the People's Republic of China to travel in China with this certificate. Regardless of the status of overseas Chinese, they must apply in advance to enter China. Chinese residents of Hong Kong and Macau do not need to apply because they are regarded as compatriots by the Chinese authorities.
("New Observation" in The Hong Kong Economic Journal, December 8, 1982)
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Binny Liu Shanqing and O'Neal
Binny
Who is Liu Shanqing?
Liu Shanqing was the victim of Deng Xiaoping's "Third Plenary Session line"!
In December 1981, the "Beijing Spring" had already been suppressed by Deng Xiaoping because it had run out of value, and pro-democracy activists were arrested everywhere. Liu Shanqing, this "Aberdeen", went to Guangzhou to visit pro-democracy elements Wang Xizhe's family. The result is, never come back!
Liu Shanqing has been sentenced to ten years in prison in Guangzhou, sources said.
Liu Shanqing is a graduate of the University of Hong Kong, an engineer working in Hong Kong, the standard "Aberdeen", and the people who put him in prison are the same group of people who are called "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong".
Is it humorous? It's not really funny, it's sad!
How many cruel practical lessons can't revive the hearts of some people who are still confused today, let alone change the vision of some myopic people.
Some people think that Liu Shanqing is a fool, but they are not, because they will change with the direction of the wind, they think that "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong" will benefit them.
In fact, they were so confident that they forgot: Deng Xiaoping also relied on the "democracy movement" to defeat Hua Guofeng, and after Hua Guofeng was defeated, the first group of people who suffered Deng Xiaoping were the pro-democracy activists.
xxx
Who is O'Neal?
O'Neal is a typical example of a long-term Western education! O'Neill, the speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, is familiar with U.S. affairs, but apparently has not yet been able to get into the situation on Chinese affairs.
Yesterday, foreign reports said that during his visit to Peiping, after he met Zhao Ziyang, he told reporters at the reception of the "American Embassy" in Peiping: "A country with a population of one billion, full of problems and in urgent need of modernization, is very important to a small island. We were surprised to be so worried.”
O'Neill, a politician who grew up in Western society, was astonished only because what he had seen in the past was only the appearance of numbers on the Chinese issue, and he did not see the most critical issue of people's hearts.
The CCP started entirely on ideology, and it also relies on ideology to rule the mainland. Today, communism is waning, icebergs are melting, and the earth is falling apart. The Three-Faith Crisis is so serious that it makes it tremble, but what kills it the most is the small island that is ideologically opposed to it and competes with it for the hearts and minds of Taiwan Province, the Republic of China. Not any country that is huge in numbers and ideologically weak.
For O'Neill, this trip in Peiping, in a diplomatic term, should be: "extremely interesting and rewarding." For many people who grew up in Western society, if you ponder O'Neill's words, I believe that There will be great gains!
March 31, 1983
"Hong Kong Times"
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Li Zhijian and Liu Shanqing incident should have a fair and reasonable solution!
──It is reported that the Hong Kong government will forward a document to Liu Shanqing's father
Li Zhijian
The Chinese government detained Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing 16 months ago. Recently, Liu's father went to Guangzhou for the third time to inquire about the whereabouts of his arrested son. Liu Shanqing has been sentenced to "10-year re-education through labor," according to an official at the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court. So far, sixteen months later, Liu Shanqing has still lost contact with all his relatives and friends in Hong Kong, and even his immediate family members are not allowed to visit. What law did Liu Shanqing commit? The Chinese government can't say a word. Does Liu Shanqing have the opportunity to defend himself or a lawyer? No one knows either.
According to the current Chinese law, the maximum period of interrogation is only three months, and now the Liu Shanqing case is an exception. The author doubts whether Liu Shanqing has undergone a fair trial? Is it a secret sentence? Although my friends in Hong Kong went all out for the Liu Shanqing incident and made inquiries to the Chinese government through various channels, it was all in vain. What crime is Liu Shanqing suspected of? Why does the Chinese government want to hide it?
Still unaware of son's "accusation"
Because Liu Shanqing traveled in China in December 1981 with a Home Return Permit (the English literal translation is "Certificate of Compatriots, or COMPATRIOTS CERTIFICATE), he was governed by Chinese law. However, the law enforcement officials did not use the law to Guarantee his basic rights, without "notifying" the family members of this "compatriot" in Hong Kong that he has been detained.
After more than three months of disappearance, Liu’s father went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau to inquire about his son’s whereabouts; about six months after being detained, Liu’s father returned from his second trip to Guangzhou and still knew nothing; fifteen A month later, when Liu's father went to Guangzhou for the third time, he learned of the 10-year sentence, but Liu's father still "doesn't know" about his son's "charge". We can imagine the disappointment of Father Liu and the long-term mental pressure. For hundreds of days in a row, when I think of my love every day, I only have the word "I don't know". What kind of sadness is this? What is Father Liu guilty of, to suffer this psychological torment? Even if Liu Shanqing is suspected of committing a heinous crime, his father should know. The Chinese government's handling this time is full of hatred and philosophical color. The author visited Liu’s father six months ago. He was feeding the birds. He cut bananas into pieces before sending them into the cage. He had to replace the newspapers that received bird droppings only a few times when they were dirty. After all, he is very sophisticated, and he didn't want to speak before weeping, but his voice was low and choppy, making people feel that his internal organs were like a row of guzheng strings, and he plucked out a few resentful songs.
Power can only triumph over justice for a while
The Chinese government greets the red capitalists with a smile, but rashly violates Liu Shanqing's "basic human rights." Is this circumstantial evidence that "with money comes dignity"? Liu Shanqing is a person, not a stone. There are indications that his fate may be worse than a stone. The stone can still build roads and bridges and serve the people, but he wants to bury his youth and live in a state of inexplicable alienation. In life, one should have inalienable fundamental rights. This "innate human rights theory" originated in the West, and today's China has obviously not absorbed it. Huang Xian and Liu Shanqing were both detained in secret, and the number of other unknown persons is even more difficult to estimate. The current constitution stipulates that the Chinese people have freedom of speech, publication, association, etc. In fact, the Chinese people are prohibited from even publishing a few mimeographed publications. The author feels heartbroken when I think of the Chinese government's arrest of people in the folk magazines. Those in power rule over a billion people, why should I be afraid of three dozen amateur folk magazine editors? It goes without saying that human rights are ignored. In the long run, a closed police state that does not tolerate ideological heresies will be more difficult to progress. Liu Shanqing's arrest that day may have something to do with his visit to Chinese democracy activists. In our eyes, this is a reasonable, legitimate and conscious act. Might can conquer justice for a while, and justice will destroy power forever.
Indifferent to all complaints
Now many people will say that Chinese society lacks the spirit of "rule of law". It is a dangerous and absurd thing to govern a country based on the personal preferences, character, temper, emotions, etc. of the rulers. But unless the masses are aware of this concept, the rule of man situation will continue. The Chinese government secretly tried Liu Shanqing and detained Liu Shanqing for 16 months without releasing the evidence or charges, which is completely illegal. Of course, the Chinese government can refuse to disclose any information to the outside world on the grounds of "national security" or "complexity of the case". As a classmate and friend of Liu Shanqing, the author does not quite believe that he committed such a serious crime. It is true that the attitude of "helping people, not helping relatives" is more civilized, and we only demand that the process and content of the trial be "published", but the Chinese government has turned a blind eye to all complaints. should be criticized.
Yue Fei's murder was summed up in three words "unnecessary", while Liu Shanqing didn't even have a word. In a country where the legal system has not yet been perfected, it is difficult for Huang Xian to protect himself as a lawyer, let alone Liu Shanqing, who is not good at words. It is doubtful how independent China's judicial system is. The bureaucrats of political and military groups seem to be the power manipulators in contemporary China. The disparity between the party and the government has long been criticized by those in the know, and the judicial system cannot exert sufficient checks and balances, which is indeed worrying.
deprivation of basic human dignity
A senior official of the Guangzhou court told Liu's father that Liu Shanqing was "uncooperative," adding that "if you confess, you will be lenient, and you will be strict when you resist." These words can make people understand the following: First, the public security bureau lacks evidence, and is in a dilemma when trying the case. Second, Liu Shanqing was forced to admit some crimes that he did not commit. Of course Liu Shanqing resisted (this is a very bad guess. I hope that the court does not have any underworld-style politics). Third, the Chinese government knew that Liu Shanqing had contacts with pro-democracy activists, and wanted to extract a confession from him to further suppress the Chinese pro-democracy movement. Fourth, Liu Shanqing was deprived of the dignity of basic human rights, full of grievances, had nowhere to vent, was trapped for a long time, and cut off relatives and friends. The attitude he showed was naturally an inevitable reaction after being frustrated. Based on the author's understanding of Liu Shanqing, he has always had a strong personality and a dull speech.
It is easy to imprison a person's body, but it is difficult to completely reform his mind. Liu Shanqing is currently under siege, and we can only hope that he will continue to protest stoically and silently. The author never imagined that writing a few articles could save him, but sincerely appeal to those who sympathize with Liu Shanqing to spread the news of this "mishandling" by the Chinese government. Yes, it is anti-United War. The crisis of confidence has already erupted, and sincerity is essential for the Chinese government to restore its prestige. In fact, in the past, there were too many "injustices, falsehoods, and wrongful convictions.
From this, the "1997 Problem" came to mind. If the day when "Hong Kong people rule Hong Kong", there will also be "big disappearances" at any time; if the people criticize one or two sentences, they will be charged with "anti-revolutionary" charges of "anti-China, anti-Communist and anti-people". Isn't Hong Kong politics going backwards? Liu Shanqing's problem is not an isolated disaster, but an issue that concerns the vital interests of all Hong Kong citizens. There is no doubt that Hong Kong's sovereignty belongs to China; but returning to China is not as simple as currency changing hands. Both Hong Kong and China need to be democratized in order to adapt to the organizational forms and political goals of modern society.
In the past decade or so, Hong Kong society has become more open due to the struggle of the citizens; more people dare to complain when the citizens are dissatisfied; the public interests are damaged, and the mass media will follow up and report; Public sentiment does not affect the judicial process. The spirit of openness and the rule of law is worth cherishing. This is not to say that Hong Kong can be a model for China. In fact, Hong Kong also has many imperfections (for example, the government is too partial to the interests of capitalists, etc.).
Sadness left over from history
The place of Liu Shanqing's "birth" and "long-term residence" is Hong Kong. But neither the Hong Kong government nor the British government used normal diplomatic channels to protect him until the time of writing. Although Hong Kong is part of China's territory, before the "borrowed time and borrowed space" is over, Hong Kong has its own political unit different from that of mainland China. Now Liu Shanqing is trapped by his "dual nationality" status, and has actually become a "stateless" person. He travels in China with a home return permit (compatriot certificate), and the situation immediately becomes very embarrassing: "identity" he is Chinese , because China does not recognize Hong Kong as a British Dependent Territory (but does China recognize Liu Shanqing as having "nationality of the People's Republic of China"? If so, he should have the rights of "citizen" - Article 37 of the Chinese Constitution), and his behavior is subject to He is bound by Chinese law (which is reasonable, just as he should be bound by French law if he goes to France), but his "government of origin" cannot grant him any political protection or fight for basic rights on his behalf. This is indeed a sad legacy left over from history. Mrs Thatcher said the British government had a "moral responsibility" towards Hong Kong residents, which was gibberish. It is conceivable that on the "1997 issue", both China and the UK will act according to their own interests, and the wishes of the Hong Kong people will "not" be taken care of; at the critical moment, they may each seek public support, but that is a means. not the purpose. People who are rooted in Hong Kong sometimes think that Hong Kong is very important and that things revolve around Hong Kong. This is a dangerously naive idea of geocentricity, and external political forces may override everything.
It is said that when a delegation from Hong Kong met with senior Chinese officials a month ago, they asked about democracy in China, and the answer was that it was the Chinese government's "own business", or it was better to talk about the future of Hong Kong. With the heart of a villain, the author makes a bold guess, and the meaning is probably: "You Hong Kong people can maintain the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong. It is patriotic to be an economic animal (Homoeconomicus). Political ideology and ideology are none of your business. Ignore it!"
The operation of social movements includes both "control" and "management". Control involves the element of power and facilitates management: management requires knowledge, which indirectly consolidates control. Political bureaucrats are good at holding power and control, while technocrats assist in management. Political bureaucrats have a conflicted mood. They rely on technocrats to control, and they are afraid that the latter will shake and take away power. China's requirements for Hong Kong are probably like this - Hong Kong people should be technicians and create wealth for the motherland. Don't worry about the distribution of power and political direction!
Back then, when the Communist Party of China lurked underground, it would be persecuted. Today, when the Communist Party of China is in power, it in turn oppresses the younger generation of pro-democracy activists who are trying to find a way out for China. If the principle of patriotism is to support the rulers unconditionally, then it is just a transplant of the feudalism of loyalty and filial piety, a copy of the patriarchal society and one-way obedience to older men. We can’t be “abstract patriotism” just because we identify with Chinese culture emotionally, or befriend an excellent author of Chinese classical literature, or be intoxicated with the sunset during the trip to China. China is a realistic "political entity", not a place where descendants of the mythical dragon live.
Amnesty Society listed as prisoner of conscience
The Liu Shanqing incident must be resolved fairly and reasonably! It is reported that Amnesty International, headquartered in London, has accepted Liu Shanqing as a "prisoner of conscience". Friends who care about Hong Kong and China, can you do your best for him? It does not seem to be very good for the Chinese government to use the brand of "human rights and legal principles". We have to wait for the Chinese government to transmit the documents to Liu's father through the Hong Kong government (Liu's father said that this is a verbal commitment of the Chinese official), and we will work according to the development of the situation, and then go further. Continue to fight for the human dignity and rights that Liu Shanqing deserves.
The author once lived with Liu Shanqing for a short period of time, and the home still kept a plastic cartoon doll given by him. If he really can't return to Hong Kong safely within a few years, I hope that I can send him a brass wind whistle and hang it in front of the window to let him know that even on a windy and rainy night, far away friends still haven't put him back on his feet. forget.
May 1, 1983
"People" bimonthly
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Xiaobing "Why are you fighting for the release of Liu Shanqing?
soldier
At the end of 1981, Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen who went to Guangzhou to visit the family members of the detained folk magazines, has remained a mystery since his arrest. Although he was worried that his friends would form a "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" and had repeatedly petitioned the relevant departments to negotiate, the Chinese officials were tight-lipped about this. Even though Liu's father went to Guangzhou twice to inquire, the answer he received was limited to "arrest for breaking the law", and he was even refused to visit his son.
Recently, Liu's father went to Guangzhou three times, and was informed by officials of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court that Liu Shanqing had been sentenced to ten years in prison. However, the official refused to disclose the reasons and circumstances of Liu's conviction, and again refused Liu Zheng's visit request on the grounds that he was taken to a labor camp. In fact, for the past 16 months, the CCP's handling of Liu's case has been illegal and unreasonable. First, they kept silent after arresting Liu, not even his immediate family members. It was not until Liu's father went to Guangzhou two months later that he admitted that Liu Shanqing had been arrested. Secondly, according to Article 92 of the Criminal Procedure Law, “For cases where the defendant is detained under investigation for a period of no more than two months, and the case is complex and cannot be concluded after the time limit expires, it can be extended for one month with the approval of the people’s procuratorate at the next higher level. For major and complicated cases that cannot be concluded after being extended in accordance with the provisions of the preceding paragraph, the Supreme People's Procuratorate shall report to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress for approval to postpone the trial. When a person commits a crime, a written request for approval of arrest should be written, and together with the case materials and evidence, it should be handed over to the People’s Procuratorate at the same level for review and approval.” In other words, even if the CCP used loopholes in the law to approve the long-term detention of Liu Shanqing by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, it would still There should be sufficient information on the reasons for his detention. However, they remained silent despite people's repeated urging, which is not only illegal, but also perverse. This can't help but make one suspect that they have ulterior motives -- downplaying the matter in order to do whatever they want.
Now, under the perseverance of people's questioning, the official has to announce the news that Liu was sentenced to prison. However, he still avoided talking about Liu Jun's conviction and the essence of the case. They didn't explain why they were keeping it secret. However, people naturally have the right to ask: "Why do you imprison a person for ten years?"
CCP tricks
In recent years, the CCP has claimed that "every law must be followed, and mistakes must be corrected." However, under the new conditions, they created unjust cases such as Liu Shanqing (an example of a civilian who was arrested in the summer of 1981). Now, let's start with the scope of the law! Article 111 of the "Procedural Law" states: "People's courts shall try first-instance cases in public. However, cases concerning state secrets or personal privacy shall not be tried in public." The "criminal cause" is obviously to treat Liu's case as a case that is not heard in public. Because, had it been made public, Father Liu should have been notified to attend the audition instead of accidentally being notified afterwards. Moreover, the trial process should be recorded in detail according to the law. If the trial is open to the public, people should have the right to know the circumstances of the case (otherwise, how can it be made public?). Father Liu asked about the trial and was rejected. It is self-evident whether the trial is open or not. reason.
Therefore, the CCP can only argue that Liu's case is "relevant to state secrets and personal secrets", but this is unconvincing:
First, according to the same clause mentioned above, "For cases that are not heard in public, the reason for the non-public hearing shall be announced in court." However, the CCP is too lazy to abide by the "Procedural Law" formulated by itself, and Liu Shanqing also Will it be treated fairly and legally?
Second, Liu Shanqing is a Hong Kong resident, and his "personal privacy" will certainly not constitute a reason for the non-public trial. His visit to the families of the detained pro-democracy activists is an open and above-mentioned act, and it does not involve personal privacy. As for the so-called state secrets, his arrest is naturally not a state secret. There is no "secret" in his interactions with pro-democracy activists, because the civil journals are formed to exercise the freedoms granted to the people by the Constitution, and their own activities and exchanges with Hong Kong compatriots are not just idle, but legitimate and reasonable things. Moreover, the CCP The use of "state secrets" as an excuse to persecute people who are considered aliens is even more disgusting. Leaving aside the tens of thousands of unjust cases during the Cultural Revolution, people can see a thing or two from the performance of the CCP’s self-proclaimed legal reform. For example, Wei Jingsheng was charged with "leaking state secrets" after he told reporters about the news on the streets. Even during the "public trial" of him, the entire case was not released to the public. Liu Qing, the person in charge of the "Fourth Five Forum", mimeographed it and released it, but he was sentenced to three years of reeducation through labor. I believe that everyone who has read the trial records of Wei's case will understand what the so-called "state secrets" are. Therefore, even saying that the Liu case involves state secrets cannot be convincing.
Third, after the CCP cracked the spy cases of Taiwan and the Soviet Union, they generally publicized it with pictures and texts, and even wrote stories with pictures and sounds to spread widely. Taking the recently cracked case of Li Jiaqi as an example, they even went to great lengths to list the spy's name, background, communication method, and aid amount. Dealing with espionage cases is still like this. Is Liu Shanqing more terrifying than a spy group? To keep his trial and guilt secret?
Why does the CCP organize its mouth three times?
In fact, the CCP has its own reasons for keeping its mouth shut.
First of all, Liu Shanqing's experience has attracted widespread attention, and the CCP cannot list his contacts with pro-democracy activists as evidence. Therefore, the only way is to never mention it, make it difficult for rescuers to work without solid information, and cool things down gradually.
Secondly, once the case is announced, it will inevitably lead to questioning and arguments from overseas people. The public trial of Wei Jingsheng more than three years ago showed the spirit of "rule of law", but instead, people learned the truth and rallied to support him. The CCP will not fail to take it as a warning. Since then, they have adopted secret trials to handle similar cases (such as Liu Qing and the pro-democracy activists who were arrested in April of the previous year).
At the same time, since Liu Shanqing was arrested, he has been deprived of the right to meet family members, friends and to make a public defense, and even received a heavy sentence without being charged (for the general public, unpublished charges are more absurd than "unnecessary") . All these circumstances fully prove that he was persecuted unreasonably and unreasonably, and should be released immediately.
The significance of supporting Liu Shanqing
However, many would probably say, "If Liu Shanqing had committed an unpublished crime, would it be too much to ask for his release?"
Let's put the above analysis aside for now. However, when a person was imprisoned for 16 months and sentenced to a heavy sentence by the court without even a single crime, is this not excessive? If people want to be "prudent", they should also ask the CCP to publish all the facts of the case and allow people to visit him, so as to protect Liu Jun's minimum rights. The case of Wang Xizhe and others in a joint interview with a college group a year ago was an example.
At the same time, some people may think: "Liu Shanqing's experience is certainly worthy of sympathy, but it is special after all. As long as people don't cause troubles themselves, naturally they will not have the same experience."
In fact, this view is neither factual nor reasonable. There are cases like Liu Shanqing. The case of Huang Xian is an example. Moreover, many people have also been detained for conflicting with CCP officials for other reasons, but they are only stunned because of their loneliness and weakness. Moreover, it is an irreversible fact that Hong Kong will return to China's embrace after 14 years. If China is still unable to realize the democratic rule of law one day, then people who want to exercise various liberal and democratic rights will meet the same fate of domestic democracy activists and Liu Jun. People often talk about "democratic Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong" and maintaining a "democratic, free and open" society (I do not intend to discuss the content of these meager rights here). However, if people remain silent about what happened to Liu Shanqing and pro-democracy activists, it will undoubtedly encourage the CCP to arbitrarily suppress dissidents.
Therefore, everyone who cares about the future of Hong Kong and China should actively support Liu Shanqing.
July 15, 1983
"War News"
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Miao Yu National Day Talking About the Country
Miao Yu
A deceased gentleman has worked as a supplement editor for a Hong Kong newspaper for more than 30 years. During the Chinese New Year and festivals, there must be occasional articles, such as "Talking about the Dog in the Year of the Dog", "Talking about the Moon in the Mid-Autumn Festival", "Talking about Dumplings on the Dragon Boat Festival", "Qingming Festival". Talk about ghosts" etc. I am deeply infected, so I also came to the East today to help.
But when I picked up my pen, I realized that "talking about the country on National Day" is much more difficult than "talking about the dog in the year of the dog". Because talking about dogs can be associated with fragrant meat, with the development of food culture, there are endless topics to talk about. I heard that the old masters could cook a dog thirty-six flavors, and now the new masters can cook Forty-eight flavors, I once tasted the "China-US-Soviet Triangle Battle" last winter. It turned out to be grass dog braised American carrots and Russian vodka. There may be sixty flavors in the future, and a Jiazi is only five years of the dog, so this kind of occasional articles can be written endlessly. But this People's Republic has a "National Day" every year, and it's the same every year. Thirty years ago, the row of dilapidated houses on Dongshan Road in Guangzhou is still "standing on the bank." The food stamps and cloth stamps 20 years ago are still the same. Ten years ago, we shouted to move forward to the four modernizations, and we are still shouting today, only shouting but not advancing.
then what should we do? Talking about dogs on National Day or talking about ghosts on National Day is a shame. After thinking about it, I can't think of any topic worth celebrating. How about talking about the "Twelfth National Congress"? It could have been a fresh and hot topic, but after reading the "Compilation of the Twelve National Congress Documents", I couldn't find anything new. Looking at the "old phoenixes" who were helped in and out by the nurses, it was really not good. Have the heart to eat their tofu.
The only thing worth mentioning that is different from this day in previous years is the lack of a series of figures on the percentage of production overruns across industries. Whether this is a good phenomenon or a bad phenomenon, benevolence and wisdom will see each other. On the bright side, it is now "pragmatic" and no more bragging. On the bad side, there is no bragging right now.
You can talk about a high degree of civilization and a high degree of democracy, which are the great goals of the current announcement. There are a lot of written materials, Zhao Ziyang said it, Hu Yaobang said it, Deng Xiaoping said it, and even Old Shuai Ye, who was determined to do his best, said it, but thinking of Wang Xizhe, who disappeared on his own, and Liu Shanqing, whose whereabouts are unknown, a high degree of civilization and a high degree of democracy turned out to be different. It's great talk.
The great People's Republic celebrates the great National Day, and I can only write such a small piece of text for the occasion.
(August 15, 1983 "Oriental Daily" "Miao Mian Column")
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Ling Feng and Liu Shanqing's "crime"
Ling Feng
The Chinese University Student Union released a reply from the reception room of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court to answer their inquiries about Liu Shanqing's case.
According to the letter, Liu Shanqing committed the following crimes: "For the purpose of counter-revolution, he colluded with He and other counter-revolutionaries, viciously attacked our country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, and resisted and undermined the implementation of state laws and decrees. , trying to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system constitutes the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement."
This passage is quite sloppy and I don't want to talk about it. For example, "the purpose of counter-revolution" is pure nonsense. If you have done a lot of counter-revolutionary activities below, how can you not have the purpose of counter-revolution? The question is, what is the factual basis for that series of alleged crimes? If you don't learn the facts, just a bunch of hats, how can you be convincing? For example-
"Collaborating with He and other counter-revolutionaries", how exactly is "collaboration"?
"Vicious attack on my country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship", how to attack the law? What words, what actions?
"Wanted counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement", since it is "reckless", there must be a lot of success, and the "counter-revolutionary speech" may be more than Lin Xiling's.
In addition, the words "propaganda and incitement" are loud, and there should be a large audience listening to his propaganda and incitement, so it may be incitement and propaganda carried out at mass gatherings, but unfortunately there is no specific location, time, and number of people. In addition, how can the masses instigated by him "resist and sabotage the implementation of state laws and decrees, in an attempt to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system"? Why are these not published?
The above-mentioned lack of specific materials is believed to be no party or state secret. The secrets of the party and the state are meant to be brought out and sold to the emperor, and the public has already known about it, so what secrets are there? So let's make it public.
The reply letter said at the end, "The investigation, prosecution, and trial of Liu Shanqing's counter-revolutionary case were all conducted in accordance with our country's criminal law and criminal procedure law; the legal rights of the defendant were ensured, and there was no violation of the law, so please do not hesitate."
The mainland is controlled by the CCP. How the CCP is willing to legislate and enforce the law is their business. Outsiders can only comment on right and wrong based on their standpoints and methods.
Liu Shanqing is a Hong Konger, so it arouses the concern of Hong Kong people. But this explanation by the authorities will never dispel the doubts of Hong Kong people. We will talk about this tomorrow.
(September 14, 1983, The Hong Kong Economic Journal, "People in Hong Kong")
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Ling Feng is not sensational
Ling Feng
Hong Kong students and intellectuals, because they "care about the motherland," are also very concerned about what happened to Liu Shanqing in China, and hope that the CCP can truly implement the rule of law. But Hong Kong people are more concerned about this matter now, and because of the CCP's rule of law, it will come to any Hong Kong person in the near future.
Liu Shanqing is from Hong Kong, but because he has a "Home Return Permit", he is Chinese, so the rule of law in the mainland also applies to him. Following his arrest, acting in full compliance with Chinese law, the Hong Kong government ignored his experience.
After his "disappearance", under Chinese law, his family does not need to be notified. It was only after the efforts of his family and the student group here that he learned that he had been arrested. He was arrested in December 1981, and the trial was "open" on February 7 this year (some people who care about Liu Shanqing here were invited to sit in), and he was sentenced to 10 years in prison. , deprived of political rights for three years. However, it was only recently that the University Student Union announced the reply from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court. Probably because the CCP wants to take back the sovereignty of Hong Kong, in order to make Hong Kong people have confidence in the CCP’s legal system, and also show the CCP’s respect for the people of Hong Kong, so there is no longer “no comment” on such matters as before, but “any questions and answers”. "Answer", maybe it's just a little less efficient.
What Hong Kong people still have doubts about is that the "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement" stipulated in the CCP's "Criminal Law" is too broad and too flexible.
While drinking tea with friends in a teahouse, is it also "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement" to the masses?
Praise the system and vitality of Hong Kong's capitalism, and think that the socialist system in the mainland is inferior to that of Hong Kong. Wouldn't that be contradicting "socialism is good"? Thus, "attempting to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system"?
In order to stabilize the people of Hong Kong, the mainland may say, "No", but where is the line between "Yes" and "No"? There are no explicit and specific provisions in the "Criminal Law". "Party will" at the grassroots level.
There is freedom of speech in Hong Kong. Hong Kong newspapers play this and that, including the CCP, all day long. Although some people have seen it before, they are already very uncomfortable because they have no power in their hands and can do nothing. But the situation is different now. The CCP is about to take back its sovereignty. They seem to have regarded themselves as Hong Kong people who will govern Hong Kong in the future. "As soon as the power is in hand, the order will be followed" to implement their local policy. This is not sensational.
(September 15, 1983, The Hong Kong Economic Journal, "People in Hong Kong")
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Xiaobing Liu Shanqing is innocent!
soldier
On September 7, the Chinese University Student Union published a letter of reply from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court on the case of Liu Shanqing's inquiry. The letter can be divided into two parts: (1) Liu Shanqing's charges and the basis for sentencing; (2) the handling process of Liu Shanqing's case.
The Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court apparently hopes to convince people that Liu Shanqing's sentence is legal and reasonable. Therefore, at the end of the letter, it wrote in response to people’s criticism of the CCP’s handling of the Liu case: “The investigation, prosecution and trial of the Liu Shanqing counter-revolutionary case were all conducted in accordance with our country’s criminal law and criminal procedure law, which ensured the legal rights of the defendant and did not exist. illegal issues.”
in vain
However, it seems that they are wasting their time this time! Because even based on the limited information they have disclosed, people can still know that Liu Shanqing's ten-year sentence is actually another evidence of the CCP's suppression of the pro-democracy movement. The only difference is that this time they further oppressed the overseas people who sympathized and supported the pro-democracy movement! The Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court thought that it would convince the overseas people that it had explained to the overseas people that the Liu case was prosecuted by the procuratorate, the court formed a collegial panel to hear it openly, and the appeal was dismissed in the second instance and final instance.
Yes, if the CCP does handle the Liu case with the above-mentioned legal procedures, it will undoubtedly be an improvement over the lawless practice of the past. But what is there to glorify? Just some necessary steps, it does not prove that Liu Shanqing should be sentenced to ten years in prison. Moreover, even if people let go of Liu Shanqing's long-term detention and deprivation of the right to contact the outside world and appeal, the legitimacy of the rhetoric made by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court will still not stand up to people's questioning!
public trial
First, according to the letter, the Liu case was "opened to trial on February 7, 1983." However, even Liu Shanqing's close relatives were ignorant of this public trial, and even the result of the trial was only verbally notified. What kind of public trial is this?
Secondly, since Liu's case is a public trial, its trial records should be made public, otherwise it will not be a public trial. However, the reply letter from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court only repeated Liu's accusations without mentioning Liu Shanqing's specific evidence. There was no way to judge whether he was guilty or not. Therefore, if the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court emphasizes that this is a public trial, it should publish all the facts and trial records of Liu's case. Let people be able to clearly understand the facts of Liu's case and learn about Liu Jun's self-defense.
In fact, it is not the first time that the CCP refuses to disclose the record of the so-called "public interrogation", which is not uncommon in the cases of arrested pro-democracy activists. In November 1979, in order to show respect for the legal system, the CCP will open the trial of Wei Jingsheng, the person in charge of the arrested civilian magazine "Exploration" (auditors must obtain a permit), and publish part of the trial records (delete Wei Jingsheng) self-defense). However, the interrogation record of Wei's case was mimeographed and distributed by the private magazine "April 5 Forum", which exposed the CCP's rhetorical method of incriminating crimes, and aroused criticism from Chinese and foreigners. Liu Qing, the person in charge of the "April 5 Forum", was also sentenced to three years of forced labor. Since then, when dealing with such cases, the CCP has adopted an open but secret trial method. Especially in April 1981, after the CCP arrested pro-democracy activists on a large scale, they kept their whereabouts secret. In June last year, the student unions of the University of Hong Kong and the Chinese University went to Guangzhou to inquire about the trial of He Qiuhe and Wang Xizhe, as well as the trial records of the two cases, but they were rejected, and the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court still claimed that the two cases were "Public Trial"!
It can be seen that the so-called "public interrogation" is actually a trick to hide people's ears!
As for Liu Shanqing's charges and the basis for sentencing, the Guangzhou Intermediate Court made the following description: "Defendant Liu Shanqing colluded with He and other counter-revolutionaries for the purpose of counter-revolution, viciously attacked our country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, and wanted to carry out counter-revolution. Propaganda and incitement, resisting the implementation of state laws and decrees, and vainly trying to overthrow the people's democratic political power and the socialist system have constituted the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. The facts are clear and the evidence is conclusive. Based on the facts, nature, circumstances and degree of harm of Liu Shanqing's crime, this court will According to Articles 90, 102, and 52 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, the defendant Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison and deprived of his political rights for three years."
On the surface, it seems to state Liu Shanqing's various crimes and the basis for his sentence, which is barely an explanation. However, if people refer to the Chinese Criminal Law, they will find that the so-called crime is actually a reprint of Articles 102 and 90 of the Criminal Law. Does the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court think that a prosecutor who reads some chapters of the criminal law and insists that they are the defendant's specific crime is enough to sentence others to ten years in prison?
Moreover, there is a lot of far-fetchedness in its presentation. The sentence "Defendant Liu Shanqing aimed at counter-revolution" is an example. How do prosecutors and judges know that he is aiming to be counter-revolutionary? Is it based on guesswork? If not, you should produce specific evidence: such as programs, documents, etc. Casually saying "counter-revolution is for the purpose" is not convincing except to give people a hat.
However, the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court inadvertently stated that Liu Shanqing was convicted because of his association with pro-democracy activists. According to his reply letter, Liu Shanqing "colluded with He and other counter-revolutionaries." He should be referring to He Qiu, the person in charge of the folk magazine "The Road of the People" and the "Responsibility", a journal of the All-China People's Association. Because he was charged with crimes similar to Liu Shanqing, and was sentenced to ten years in prison. Therefore, whether Liu Shanqing's sentence is reasonable and what case can he learn from.
guilty by words
Last year, He Qiu was charged with engaging in counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, based on his "vicious attack on our country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship" in a private publication. However, these allegations are untenable. Because according to the Chinese Constitution: Chinese citizens enjoy freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association and other freedoms. He Qiu founding a private magazine and expressing his political views is just a legitimate act of exercising his rights and cannot constitute a crime. Second, the content of privately-run publications mainly advocates socialist democracy and the legal system, and opposes bureaucratic autocratic privileges, which cannot be compared with counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. The CCP has always regarded the people's remarks about striving for democracy and criticizing autocratic privileges as "vicious attacks", and has often used "counter-revolutionary crimes" to persecute those who dare to speak out. Recently, Ms. Lin Xiling exposed the shady scene of being labeled a counter-revolutionary in those days, which is a perfect example.
For a long time, in order to maintain its political and material privileges, the CCP has hated its words and deeds criticizing its one-party dictatorship and striving for people's democracy. The counter-revolutionary incites propaganda" to justify its actions to suppress the people's democracy. In fact, according to the principles of socialist democracy, the people should have freedom of speech and publication to ensure that they can monitor and criticize state officials and the government. As long as capitalism is not restored through concrete actions, even if someone makes remarks against socialism, an ideological struggle can be waged through open discussions without being incriminated for their remarks. The CCP's use of "words to incriminate" to suppress He Qiu and other pro-democracy activists is a bureaucratic act that is inconsistent with the principles of socialist democracy and is not beneficial to the Chinese people.
As for the so-called crime of "resisting and undermining the enforcement of national laws", it is even more ridiculous. The evidence turned out to be "He Qiu repeatedly accused the public security officers of persecuting civilian magazines, which is an illegal act." The reason is very obvious. It is the right of the Chinese people to run a magazine. The public security personnel's obstructing the distribution and publication of a civilian magazine is an illegal act that violates the freedom and rights of the people and should be condemned. Why do you want to accuse them, not only is it not "resisting the implementation of national laws and decrees", but it is a legitimate act of defending the rights of citizens, what is the crime?
Therefore, it is totally unreasonable for He Qiu to wait for pro-democracy activists to be jailed. Similarly, it is completely untenable to list Liu Shanqing's activities "in collusion with He and other counter-revolutionaries" as criminal evidence.
revenge
In fact, Liu Shanqing is a citizen of Hong Kong, and it is impossible for him to work in private magazines in China. At best, he just sympathizes with and supports the activities of the domestic pro-democracy activists! And these are completely legal and reasonable actions that cannot and should not constitute crimes. Now, the CCP's labeling him as a counter-revolutionary is nothing more than a form of revenge and intimidation against overseas people for supporting the pro-democracy movement.
Whether China can achieve a real legal system and democratization is actually the key to the future destiny of the Chinese and Hong Kong people. Therefore, it is obvious that people should not keep silent about the CCP's practice of "criminal punishment by words and thoughts", but should stand up and support Liu Shanqing and the domestic pro-democracy activists!
Immediately announce all the facts of Liu Shanqing's case!
Immediately release Liu Shanqing and the arrested pro-democracy activists!
("War News", September 10, 1983)
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Everyone's comments
Hu Juren and Liu Shanqing sentenced to ten years in prison
Hu Juren
After reading the news that Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years, I can't help but sigh that the CCP's law enforcement officers are still "monk beaters" and are lawless, but Mao Zedong caused chaos in the world in the name of "revolution" and "rebellion" back then, but now they are lawless. , through a "legal" process. "No way" means that Liu Shanqing was sentenced to such a severe punishment, which has no basis in the law; "No Heaven" means that after such a sentence was passed, Liu Shanqing and his family were completely ignorant.
Liu Shanqing was arrested only because he took some clothes and went to Guangzhou to visit Wang Xizhe's family out of sympathy. Sympathy for others is an admirable virtue. Wang Xizhe is a "criminal" (criminal by his thoughts). Is it a crime to visit the "criminal"'s family? Moreover, even if the CCP finds him "guilty", should he be sentenced to ten years? Where is the standard for sentencing?
The CCP has recently emphasized "rule of law" and "modernization." The sentence of Liu Shanqing violated these two principles. The principle of the "rule of law" must be objectivity rather than subjectivity. Everything is based on laws, and there must be public trials, with opportunities for defense and appeal, not just the subjective preference of those in power, as in the feudal era. It is said that Liu Shanqing was sentenced to such a heavy sentence because he did not cooperate in prison and during the trial. But no matter how you tell him to cooperate, the cooperator is just "admitting" everything according to the subjective wishes of the public security officers. The spirit of "modernization" must be reasonable in everything. Since Liu Shanqing's arrest and sentencing, his father's request to meet him has not been allowed. This is not only against humanity, but also against rationality. From the precedent of Liu Shanqing, we are faced with the fear of Hong Kong people in 1997. How can we have confidence in "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong"?
(September 1983, "Oriental Daily" "Hong Kong Inside and Outside Hong Kong")
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Hu Juren, Liu Shanqing and Hong Kong's remarks
Hu Juren
In the name of the "reception room", the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court sent a letter to the CUHK Student Union regarding the Liu Shanqing incident. Some people felt "gratified" because of this, thinking that they had finally received the letter, which was better than ignoring it at all. I don't know what the status of the "reception room" is in one of the CCP's legal institutions? What is the legal representation and authority of the "reception room"? In short, having a "reception room" is already "flattering".
However, from this reply letter, we can see the CCP's views on those who are engaged in the "democracy movement" in Hong Kong. Liu Shanqing's "crime" is said to be as follows:
Defendant Liu Shanqing colluded with He and other counter-revolutionaries for the purpose of counter-revolution, viciously attacked my country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, and carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. Resisting or sabotaging the implementation of state laws and decrees, and attempting to overthrow the people's democratic political power and the socialist system, have constituted the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement...
Although the above "criminals" are stated in the letter as "the facts are clear and the evidence is conclusive", as usual, no "facts" are made public. Moreover, those so-called "facts" are determined according to the subjective definition of Guangzhou public security personnel. , can also be sentenced to "heinous crimes".
Among the above series of "crimes", the last one is "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement crime", that is to say, it is only "propaganda and incitement" without specific actions. "Propaganda and incitement" is mainly "remarks", so Liu Shanqing uses speech guilty.
This makes us feel the value of "freedom of speech" in Hong Kong.
Secondly, we have to note that Liu Shanqing's so-called "propaganda and incitement" remarks were mainly published in Hong Kong! It was nothing more than participating in solidarity rallies for the "Chinese Democracy Movement", sending out letters and leaflets, protesting at Xinhua News Agency, etc. It is impossible for him to engage in these activities in Guangzhou.
This shows that the Guangzhou police have regarded Hong Kong as within the CCP's legal authority. Engaging in these "speech" activities in Hong Kong can be regarded as "counter-revolutionary incitement" and can also be brought to "law". I advise those young people who are passionate about democracy to be on guard and stop quickly.
("Oriental Daily", "Inside Hong Kong", September 23, 1983)
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"Truth and Justice are on Liu Shanqing's side!" 》
The October Review was a Trotskyist publication, and the Trotskyist movement was divided into majorities and minorities based on political leanings.
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"Truth and Justice are on Liu Shanqing's side!" 》
(October Review No. 82, October 1983)
Fortunately, the Chinese University Student Union Cross-Strait People's Livelihood Comparison Group sent a letter to the Chinese Ministry of Public Security in mid-June this year, requesting a thorough investigation into the Liu Shanqing incident, and received a reply from the Guangzhou Municipal Intermediate People's Court on August 10. Part of the situation was learned from official sources. The words and deeds of the CUHK students who insisted on safeguarding the people's democratic rights and dared to stand up for the persecuted, first of all won the respect of the public!
What is Liu Shanqing's crime?
The Guangzhou court's reply letter, regarding what crime Liu Shanqing committed, simply made empty charges, but did not accept the appeal of the CUHK student's letter to publish all the facts of the case. However, its reply revealed its own contradictions, flaws, hypocrisy, untenable arguments, and some unknown facts. Now let us choose to see.
First, it accused Liu Shanqing of "colluding with counter-revolutionaries such as He". Why not specify what name? If it refers to He Qiu, etc., the person in charge of the "Responsibility", a national private magazine, everyone knows that He Qiu (and Wang Xizhe) is a real revolutionary, not a "counter-revolutionary"! This accusation precisely proves that Liu Shanqing is by no means a "counter-revolutionary". From the visible facts, He Qiu and other pro-democracy activists were illegally arrested by the authorities as early as April 1981; Liu Shanqing arrived in Guangzhou more than half a year later. colluding with each other"? Isn't this self-exposing and proving the fictional "fact"?
Subsequently, it accused Liu Shanqing of "spreading counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, resisting and sabotaging the implementation of state laws and decrees, in an attempt to overthrow the political power of the people's democratic dictatorship and the socialist system. This constitutes the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement." In fact, China has not existed for a long time. The democratic regime of the dictatorship of the proletariat advocated by Marxism has only a bureaucratic dictatorship. This "vain attempt" accusation itself is pointless. The authorities have never presented evidence to testify when, where, or to whom, what kind of remarks Liu Shanqing made. As reiterated in this Reply Letter, it just used the terms of the Criminal Law as Liu Jun's guilt, and there was no factual evidence to support their accusations.
Taking a step back, even if Liu Shanqing once made remarks that severely criticized (in the CCP's opinion, "vicious attacks") the undemocratic cadres of the Chinese Communist Party, and that pro-democracy activists should not be unreasonably arrested, etc. The democratic rights that the people should enjoy; these criticisms are also in line with the facts, and even if the official disagrees, they can be argued with reason. Moreover, even the official only refers to it as "propaganda and incitement", which proves that all these belong to the category of ideological and political opinions. If Liu Jun was convicted because he had criticized and held different political opinions, that would be another case of convicting thoughts and speeches; it is only the CCP and its regime under its dictatorship who is really guilty, not Liu Shanqing at all. !
On the one hand, the reply alleges that Liu Shanqing committed the above-mentioned crime, that is, Article 102 of the Criminal Law, and at the same time that he committed the crime of Article 90, which is “for the purpose of overthrowing the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system. All acts against the People's Republic of China are counter-revolutionary crimes." This is again a hat factory product of the stinking Gang of Four "Infinite Shanggang". Any word that the people say can be officially deduced as an "action" that "endangers" the country. The Chinese are already familiar with this habitually used "counter-revolutionary" hat. The term "counter-revolutionary" in the CCP's mouth is often synonymous with "revolution." This is what the Chinese people were told by the falsely accused case of the Tiananmen uprising in April 1976. (The CCP was later forced to formally acknowledge that it was a “revolutionary action,” that is, to publicly acknowledge that what the CCP meant by “counter-revolution” was often “revolution.”)
The reply stated that Liu Shanqing was "dissatisfied" with the judgment of the first instance and filed an appeal. This disclosure is precisely against the accusation that the accusation is lack of corroboration and factual support, which is unreasonable. No, the defendant will not be "dissatisfied". During the long period of time between his detention and the trial, the CCP must have used all means of coercion and inducement to try to persuade Liu Shanqing to bow his head and confess his guilt in exchange for his release back to Hong Kong or other benefits. Especially since this incident has spread all over the world and has attracted widespread attention, the CCP will do everything in its power to subdue him to prove that he has been detained for a long time. But the result was never able to make him yield to plead guilty, and would rather accept the suffering of long-term imprisonment. This is enough to prove that the court's allegations are false and unreasonable, and Liu Shanqing is indeed innocent!
Has Liu Shanqing's rights been guaranteed?
The letter from the CUHK students listed many things and asked the relevant Chinese authorities in a just and righteous manner. When handling the Liu Shanqing case, "is it true that in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution, the suspects and relevant persons have been granted necessary and reasonable rights"? However, the court's reply evaded those facts and only replied in a general way: "The investigation, prosecution and trial of the Liu Shanqing counter-revolutionary case were all conducted in accordance with our country's criminal law and criminal procedure law, which ensured the legal rights of the defendant and did not There is a problem of illegality.” This is again hypocritically arguing, which is inconsistent with the facts. because:
First, the Constitution stipulates the legal rights that citizens should enjoy, such as: speech (Article 35), personal freedom (Article 37), the prohibition of false accusations against citizens (Article 38), criticism of state organs and state functionaries (Article 41) Article) and other rights or guarantees, Liu Shanqing has been completely deprived of it since he was secretly detained. Many manifestations of the whole course of events have been explained.
Secondly, from detention to trial, Liu Jun was completely deprived of his freedom and contact with his family for more than a year. Liu Jun’s family members were not informed of the detention, the reasons for the arrest and the place of detention in accordance with the provisions of Articles 43 and 50 of the Criminal Procedure Law (even Liu Jun’s relatives went to Guangzhou many times to inquire with the relevant authorities, and they did not be informed). Article 111 of the Criminal Procedure Law stipulates that the trial shall be held in public; Article 121 stipulates that all judgments shall be announced in public; Article 129 stipulates that the defendant's defender and close relatives may appeal against the judgment of the first instance, and so on. But does Liu Shanqing have self-employed advocates? His close relatives were not notified of the trial, so they could not attend the trial to learn about the trial situation, nor could they file an appeal in accordance with the statutory rights, that is, they were completely deprived of the right to hear and appeal. The authorities did this out of fear that Liu Jun's relatives would see the truth of the injustice of the interrogation and hear Liu Jun's self-defense (if he really had the right to do so); these truths might be leaked out and expose the fake CCP's interrogation drama . Therefore, the deprivation of these rights further reflects that this unjust case was carefully prepared and deliberately kept secret, and there is no "public" at all! Therefore it is illegal!
To sum up the above analysis, the reply letter from the Guangzhou court not only did not prove that Liu Shanqing had indeed committed the crime that he was prosecuted, but also showed that Liu Shanqing was the victim of the new unjust case!
We want to make a strong protest to the Chinese authorities for creating this unjust case of Liu Shanqing. The Chinese authorities must completely rehabilitate it and immediately restore Liu Jun's freedom and democratic rights (as with other imprisoned pro-democracy activists).
We also have to challenge the heads of the Chinese judiciary; if they are convinced that the accusation against Liu Shanqing is really "the facts are clear and the evidence is conclusive", they must put those "facts", "evidence", and interrogation records and other materials All of Liu Shanqing's defense speeches were published at the same time, so that people in the community would know his exact explanation, so that they would not continue to perform one-sided speeches and prove their "correctness". If they continue to refuse to do so, it can only prove that they have no facts and evidence at all, and the court's record of the trial cannot be seen at all. Liu Shanqing's defense is a strong proof of his innocence.
Obviously, the leading cadres of the CCP at all levels, even under the constant urging of the public, will not disclose the above-mentioned information or release the innocent prisoners immediately. But history is the fairest witness. In the future, the truth will always be revealed to the world, and injustices will be vindicated sooner or later.
Although Liu Shanqing has suffered a huge humiliation for a while, and has to suffer for a long time, he would rather choose the most difficult and difficult road than bow his head to the sinful bureaucrats who only have crooked reasons. This shows that he is a very valuable brave warrior who insists on the truth, showing his noble spirit and quality.
The brave and enthusiastic appeal of the CUHK students is one of the responses of the charisma formed by these many strong warriors.
Liu Shanqing, like all the imprisoned fighters against the bureaucracy, their hard work and sacrifice will not be in vain! Keep fighting, truth and justice are on your side, and humanity is salute you!
September 25, 1983
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Li Jian, "Comment on Guangzhou Court's Judgment on Liu Shanqing's Case"
Page 1, Page 2, Page 3
Li Jian pointed out in the October 1 issue of "Contention" magazine that this is an untenable crime of propaganda and incitement. "Sympathy is a crime." The Court of Conscience will make a fair judgment, finding that Liu Shanqing is neither a counter-revolutionary nor committed the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. He is an overseas sympathizer of the contemporary democratic movement in China. Just because of this sympathy has triggered the hatred of those in power. He was sentenced to ten years in prison."
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Li Jian, "Comment on Guangzhou Court's Judgment on Liu Shanqing's Case"
("Contention" No. 72, October 1, 1983)
Liu Shanqing's case from arrest to verdict
Liu Shanqing, a young man from Hong Kong, went to Guangzhou on December 15, 1981 to visit the family of Wang Xizhe, a domestic activist, and disappeared as soon as he entered. At that time, Liu Shanqing's friends in Hong Kong had been inquired and rescued in various ways. The CCP authorities never left a word. It was only Liu Shanqing's father who went to Guangzhou on March 13 last year to inquire with the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau. It was confirmed that Liu Shanqing was arrested by the Liwan Public Security Bureau; there was no information about what Liu Shanqing committed and how he planned to handle the case, and his father was not allowed to visit.
In March last year, more than 20 friends and classmates who cared about Liu Shanqing set up a "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" in Hong Kong, ran around calling signs, launched a signature campaign, and jointly wrote a letter to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, the People's Court of Guangdong Province, the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau and the Hong Kong Government. relevant departments. The more than 100 people who participated in the autographs are all activists in the cultural circles of Hong Kong. After the letter was sent, there was still no news.
In early June this year, the Student Union of the Chinese University of Hong Kong sponsored a "Cross-Strait People's Livelihood Comparison Group" to visit Beijing. They inquired about Liu Shanqing's arrest and wrote an inquiry letter to the Ministry of Public Security. Three months later, I got an unexpected result. In early September, Luo Shuisheng, president of the Chinese University Student Union, received a reply from the reception room of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court. The original text is as follows:
"Luo Yongsheng, Student Union of The Chinese University of Hong Kong:
I recently received a letter from you that was forwarded by the relevant department. Regarding the questions raised in the letter regarding the Liu Shanqing case, the reply is as follows:
1. Liu Shanqing was prosecuted by the Guangzhou City Procuratorate for the crime of counter-revolution. After the court accepted the case, a collegial panel was formed in accordance with the law, and a public trial was held on February 7, 1983. After the trial, it was found that: the defendant For the purpose of counter-revolution, Liu Shanqing colluded with He and other counter-revolutionaries, viciously attacked our country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, and carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. Resisting and sabotaging the implementation of state laws and decrees, trying to push the people's democratic regime and the socialist system: the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and mobilization has been constituted, the facts are clear, and the evidence is conclusive. According to Article 9, Article 102 and Article 52 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, the defendant Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison and deprived of political rights for three years. The appeal was appealed, and the second instance of the Guangdong Higher People's Court was final: the appeal was dismissed and the original judgment was upheld.
2. Issues such as interviews and communications between Liu Shanzhe during detention and serving his sentence will be handled by the detention center and the labor reform department in accordance with regulations. It is reported that Liu Shanqing's mother had met Liu Shanqing in prison.
3. The investigation, prosecution and trial of Liu Shanqing's counter-revolutionary case were all conducted in accordance with my country's Criminal Law and Criminal Procedure Law, which ensured the legal rights of the defendant.
this over,
Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Reception Room.
August 10, 1983
public trial form
The first puzzling thing from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court's arrest letter is: Liu Shanqing was arrested in Guangzhou in December 1981. Why was it delayed for more than a year and a month until February 7 this year? Just for a public trial?
According to Article 92 of the "Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China": "The term of custody of a defendant during interrogation shall not exceed two months. Cases where the circumstances of the case are complex and cannot be terminated upon expiration of the time limit may be approved by the people's procuratorate at the next higher level. A one-month extension is approved.” From this, it can be seen that the statutory detention period for investigation is two to three months, but Liu Shanqing’s detention, which lasted for nearly fourteen months before the public trial, is still legal?
The reply said that Liu Shanqing's case was heard publicly. What is a public hearing? Public hearings must allow relatives, friends, journalists and the general public to observe the accused. Did the Guangzhou Intermediate Court do this? Apparently not. A "public trial" without observers is actually the same as a secret trial. It is a trial that does not love people's supervision.
Article 110 of the Criminal Procedure Law stipulates public trials as follows: "In cases of public trials, the cause of action, the name of the defendant, the time and place of the court session shall be announced in advance." Since there is no freedom of the press in China, who would pay attention to the posters posted on the door of the court. Public trial notice? Therefore, domestic public trial cases, except for the Ministry of Information Gang of Four cases that have undergone special arrangements, are mostly "public trials" without any observers. Such a "public trial" is really a form of hypocrisy.
"Sympathy" is also a sin
What is even more ridiculous in the reply letter is the conviction of Liu Shanqing. According to the judgment of the Guangzhou Intermediate Court, the crimes committed by Liu Shanqing, separately, are:
(1) For the purpose of counter-revolution, colluding with He and other counter-revolutionaries;
(2) Vicious attacks on my country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship;
(3) Aggressively carrying out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement;
(4) Resist or sabotage the implementation of state laws and decrees; attempt to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system.
Therefore, the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement has been constituted. The "collaboration with He and other counter-revolutionaries" here probably refers to his contacts with pro-democracy activists such as He Qiuwai. He Qiu and other pro-democracy activists were all arrested during the mass arrest in April 1981, but Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981. Obviously, after He Qiu's arrest, why did he "collude with each other"? According to reports in various Hong Kong newspapers, Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou at that time to visit the families of arrested pro-democracy activist Wang Xizhe and others. Visiting the family members of the arrested is considered "colluding with each other". What sympathy is there in this society? Do today's CCP authorities ever remember that during the Cultural Revolution, when you were framed as capitalist roaders, sent to unjust prisons or forced into labor camps, did you cherish the sympathy others gave you? If you hold it, Liu Shanqing's precious sympathy for Wang Xizhe and others will be convicted of "colluding with counter-revolutionaries", and he will be sentenced to ten years in prison?
"Vicious attack" "attempt to overthrow"?
What evidence is there for Liu Shanqing's "vicious attack on the socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship" and that Liu Shanqing "has carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement"? Since it is called "wanted conduct" and "violent attack", there must be a lot of written evidence that has been disseminated, but Liu Shanqing's performance in Hong Kong seems to have never published political articles in the newspapers and periodicals, and certainly not in China. How can an article published in a civilian magazine "spread counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement"?
Regarding the socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, overseas people, except those who are truly pro-CCP, generally take a skeptical and critical attitude. This attitude is not only true of overseas people, but also most of the people in China. Otherwise, why would there be a "Three Faith Crisis"? Treating suspicion and criticism as "vicious attacks" is the CCP's standard for sentencing. It only shows that those in power in the CCP are narrow-minded, unable to listen to anti-dialogue, cannot stand criticism, and have no democratic demeanor. In the West, attacking the capitalist system, attacking the ruling policy of the rulers, and even attacking the president of the country is commonplace and will never constitute a crime. Why do you call yourself a more democratic socialism than capitalism, so you are afraid of criticism and "attacks"? ?
To say that Liu Shanqing "resisted and undermined the implementation of national laws and decrees" is really mysterious. Liu Shanqing was born in Hong Kong and has lived in Hong Kong for a long time. How can he have the energy to "resist and destroy" the implementation of the CCP law in China? To say that Liu Shanqing "attempts to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system", the words "attempt to overthrow" are very problematic. Does "attempt to overthrow" refer to actions or just thoughts? Legally, only thoughts and no actions are considered crimes, so the provisions on counter-revolutionary crimes in Chapter 1 of Part II of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China all refer to specific actions. What is the specific behavior of Liu Shanqing in "attempting to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system"? Why did the Guangzhou Intermediate Court not want to point out the facts of the conduct for everyone to understand?
The untenable "crime of propaganda and incitement"
From the above analysis, it can be seen that the charges against Liu Shanqing by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court are all untenable, but they have come to a conclusion from these untenable charges, and sentenced him to "has constituted a The crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement".
In the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, there is no general crime of propaganda and incitement, but only specific crimes of incitement and specific propaganda stipulated in Article 102 of the Criminal Law. It is specified like this:
"(1) Inciting the masses to resist or undermine the implementation of state laws and decrees;
(2) Using counter-revolutionary slogans, leaflets or other methods to publicize and incite the overthrow of the political power and socialist system of the dictatorship of the proletariat. 』
According to the above provisions, the problem arises. When did Liu Shanqing incite the masses? Slogans have been posted and flyers have been distributed. Without these acts, how could he be convicted of propaganda and incitement?
The Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court itself stated that its conviction of Liu Shanqing was based on the definition of counter-revolutionary crime in Article 90 of the Criminal Law, Articles 90, 102 and 52 of the Criminal Law (sic). : "Any actions that endanger the People's Republic of China for the purpose of overthrowing the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system are all counter-revolutionary crimes."); Article 52 of the Criminal Law refers to deprivation of political rights, so it can really be used Only Article 102 came to convict Liu Shanqing of his conduct, but this article, as I quoted above, has no evidence at all on Liu Shanqing. Liu Shanqing has neither spoken to the masses nor written slogans or flyers. What's the guilt?
Taking a step back, Article 102 of the Criminal Law stipulates the same sentence: “Anyone who, with the purpose of counter-revolution, commits any of the following acts (by the author, refers to inciting the masses, posting slogans and distributing leaflets, etc.) shall be sentenced to not more than five years. Fixed-term imprisonment, criminal detention, public surveillance, or deprivation of political rights; leaders or other serious crimes shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not less than five years." Even if the Guangzhou Municipal Intermediate Court sentenced Liu Shanqing to the crime according to this article in the Criminal Law, at best he could only sentence him to five years. How can he be sentenced to ten years in prison?
Liu Shanqing is a sympathizer of the pro-democracy movement
To tell the truth, Liu Shanqing has never committed a crime of counter-revolution, nor has he committed a crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. He is a young man in Hong Kong who sympathizes with the domestic democracy movement. He was born in Hong Kong on January 1, 1953 (after the founding of the People's Republic of China), graduated from King's College in 1973, obtained a Bachelor of Science degree from the Faculty of Science of the University of Hong Kong in 1976, and was in a company in Hong Kong before his arrest. Ren engineer. Students who graduated from the University of Hong Kong belong to the elites in Hong Kong, and their personal futures are all good, but Liu Shanqing does not care about personal future, and is enthusiastic about national and social affairs, and has become an active member of social movements. Member of the Current Affairs Committee of the Federation of Catholic Colleges and Universities and a member of the Current Affairs Committee of the University of Hong Kong. He has supported the "April 5 Tiananmen Incident", "The Golden Jubilee Middle School Incident", "Second Defence of Diaoyutai Incident", "The Yau Ma Tei Households Struggling to Go Ashore Incident" ”, the “Jia Shi Shutdown Incident” and the youth democracy movement in China. It is said that he has exchanged ideas with Hong Kong students and pro-democracy activists in Guangzhou on many occasions. The CCP hates pro-democracy activists in China, and naturally also hates those who go to Hong Kong to join forces with pro-democracy activists in Guangzhou. The people they contacted, this is the real reason why Liu Shanqing was arrested and sentenced.
The lack of democracy in Chinese society is a well-known fact. The historical task of fighting for democracy and human rights in China and promoting the advancement of Chinese society. This task was initiated by Sun Yat-sen before the 1911 Revolution, and was inherited and carried forward by the vigorous May Fourth Movement. From the 1920s to the 1940s, when the Communist Party was still under the oppression of the Kuomintang, the Communist Party also raised the banner of democracy and human rights. At that time, the "China Civil Rights Protection Alliance" organized by Soong Ching Ling and Cai Yuanpei, Under the banner of safeguarding human rights, he has rescued countless Communist Party leaders who were thrown into prison by the Kuomintang. But once the Communist Party came to power, it forgot about human rights and democracy, dismissed human rights as a legacy of the bourgeoisie, and insisted that the one-party dictatorship of the Communist Party was "people's democracy." It is because of this relationship that a new generation of human rights activists and democracy activists have emerged in China, such as Wei Jingsheng, Wang Xizhe, He Qiu, Xu Wenli, Fu Shenqi, Ren Wanding, Lu Lin, Liu Qing, Yang Jing, Sun Feng, and Chen Erjin. , Zhong Yueqiu et al. Even though the political opinions of this group of people are not consistent with each other (inconsistency is the manifestation of democracy), they are well-deserved as contemporary democratic warriors.
The overseas hot-blooded young people, feeling their heroic spiritual call, tried to return to China to exchange ideas with them. This behavior is completely legitimate and just. Only those who hate democracy and human rights to the core will cruelly impose severe punishments on these young people at home and abroad.
Judgments of the courts are judgments against those in power. The people have their own court of conscience, and this court of conscience will make a fair judgment and find that Liu Shanqing is neither a counter-revolutionary nor committed a crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. He is an overseas sympathizer of the contemporary domestic democratic movement, just because of this sympathy. , triggered the resentment of those in power and sentenced him to ten years in prison.
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Wu Xuanren exposes the hypocritical trial of the "Liu case"
Since December 25, 1981, the CCP authorities have secretly detained Hong Kong citizen Liu Shanqing. After the spring of 1982, the rescue committee formed by Liu Jun's friends and classmates in Hong Kong kept running around calling signs and carrying out various forms of work, including a special letter registered to the "People's Congress" and the State Council's joint appeal letter from all walks of life. Demanded the release of Liu's case and the release of Liu Jun, posted event posters on the streets, contacted Amnesty International and held a press conference; sent letters to various departments of the Hong Kong government, and asked some foreigners to lobby British MPs to raise questions in Parliament; and overseas publications and magazines; launched a special column in newspapers to talk about the incident; even at the risk of being "spotted", he went to Xinhua News Agency to petition. There are also individual warm-blooded people (including Japanese and American journalists, Italian priests) who directly contacted the Hong Kong and Macau Section of Xinhua News Agency, friends from Zuobao, and went to the Guangzhou Ministry of Public Security for inquiries, all of which were all to no avail.
Until August 10, 1983, the CCP did not dare to explain the Liu case to the rescuers in Hong Kong. For a whole year, one year and five months, all the CCP institutions in Hong Kong did not dare to say a word; the so-called deputies to the Hong Kong People's Congress and members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference also pretended to be deaf and dumb in this matter.
It was not until the "Cross-Strait Democracy Comparison Group" of the Chinese University was in Beijing, discussing democracy and the legal system with a senior public security cadre and picking up examples, that the Liu Shanqing case was touched upon, and the representatives were invited to give a written explanation on the matter. The Student Union of Feidian University proposed to send a letter to the north. As a result, the University Student Union opened a narrow door for the Liu Shanqing case during the seventeen-month stagnation: a ridiculous so-called "Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Reply Letter to the Liu Shanqing Case" .
Before this letter was issued, there were some unconfirmed rumors. This is an unusually sensational "criminal" report from a defunct magazine. Afterwards, he stated that he could not verify whether the news was true or not from any aspect. Before that, we have also learned from the Liu family that Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison!
After all, what kind of response did this reply to the "legal document related to the case" bring to the Liu case? What effect does it achieve? Yes, it caused all the famous magazines and newspapers in Hong Kong to make comments and accusations that surprised the CCP. In the September column of the Hong Kong Economic Journal, Mr. Ling Feng wrote two sonorous articles "Liu Shanqing's "Crime" and "Not Sensational" on the 14th and 15th. In October, the monthly magazine "Contense" made an unprecedented response. Mr. Li Jian refuted all the "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement crimes" in reply to Luo Zhi's letter, "War News" and "October Review" monthly, also published separately. He published a meticulous reasoning article, emphasizing that Liu Jun is not a "counter-revolutionary" at all, because the CCP does not currently pursue democratic socialism. It refuted that many legal procedures in this reply letter were not followed and that Liu Jun was not fully given his due rights.
On September 18, the Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee issued a statement of defense against "Our Attitude", and distributed 6,000 leaflets at the anti-GAF public meeting in Victoria Park. forum".
We believe that the relevant authorities, in the face of the above-mentioned House of Representatives, in the face of the powerful fact that Amnesty International listed Liu Shanqing as a prisoner of conscience in China, the motive behind the detention of Liu Shanqing, how filthy and ugly!
We don’t need to argue again in detail how the courts, public security departments, and the CCP’s legal system are, because the articles of solidarity that have been published have already been thoroughly analyzed; because the CCP has no courage or sincerity to take the initiative to announce the details of Liu’s case And the fact that it can't come up with evidence. The so-called "public trial" is just a pretense of passing the scene. Whether there is an appeal or not, the CCP will still throw people into a black jail.
From 1980 to the beginning of 1981, the CCP illegally detained citizens of the pro-democracy movement in an all-round way, and issued the No. 9 Circular of the CCP’s Documents, stating that many overseas (especially Hong Kong) supporters of the pro-democracy movement were all counter-revolutionaries. They have strengthened the courage of the democracy movement in China. He Qiu and Wang Xizhe in Guangzhou area have a steady stream of visitors, including many tertiary students in Hong Kong, as well as many radical young politicians. Of course, Liu Shanqing is among them. At that time, no matter what school of flags they held in Hong Kong, they all looked forward to the future of China's democratic movement. Since the CCP had to take into account the United Front, the open and honest visitors were only limited to the surveillance of spies. If people were arrested at that time, Liu Shanqing would definitely not be the "leader", and Liu Shanqing would definitely not be the only one. Therefore, at that time, Liu Shanqing was just a symbol of scapegoating.
In the middle of 1981, the "China Democracy Movement Information Center" and the "Hong Kong Association for the Support of the Chinese Democracy Movement", which Liu Shanqing had worked on, were basically stuck in a stagnant situation where information was cut off, and their activities stopped one after another. The weather on the other side of the Shenzhen River was even more frightening, and almost all the pro-democracy citizens who showed their heads disappeared. The list of known arrests is very small. In the Guangzhou area, there are only family members who can talk to condolences. Liu Shanqing, who has always been reckless, has no special ambition to do anything earth-shattering. He only longs to do the same as an ordinary person, to visit the families of some pro-democracy citizens, to find out recent news, and to leave a little bit of "heart". To others it was a dangerous move unwilling to consider; to him it was human nature. This is the suspicion of a friend, why did he fly into the fire? What drove him to step into the tiger's mouth and spend more than ten years without daylight to relieve his depression? Alas, people with individuality are always prone to tragedies. We often think in our hearts: knowing that there are tigers in the mountains, we prefer to walk in the mountains of tigers! why? Although Liu Shanqing was there before he left, there was already a friend who had been with him for the rest of his life and gave him very, very solid advice.
Knowing the reason for this, it proves that Liu Shanqing was only used as a sacrifice by the CCP to kill chickens and warn monkeys. This is also the reason why the CCP cannot produce any evidence of heinous crimes and must be sentenced to ten years in prison. It warns that under the rule of the bureaucracy, no spontaneous - democratic movement is allowed.
Especially the support from Hong Kong.
The work of rescuing Liu Shanqing still has to continue. But I thought that Liu Shanqing's misfortune was really a heavy blow to all the friends in Hong Kong who care about the country, and even want to change the look of modern China. China--
The bureaucrats say -- no talk, all talk is counter-revolutionary. Chinese in Hong Kong? It is a slip through the net of the nasty, hateful "socialist/people's democratic dictatorship". It is clearly written on the white paper of the official constitution: Counter-revolution, whether in their own country or abroad, is valid for all Chinese people, and the so-called "counter-revolution" has no clear definition, but it is a cold and gloomy sword of Shangfang, with no blood on it. leave marks.
When Hong Kong is about to recover and return to the mother country, the significance of Liu's case is: there is no ridiculous formulation of China and Hong Kong to escape the bureaucracy, but only discussions, more heated discussions, and blood and sweat to promote The democratization of the whole of China will lead to a more prosperous and stable Hong Kong in the future. The bureaucracy's feudal and hegemonic state-government mentality can certainly create thousands of unjust cases of Liu Shanqing all the time. Therefore, to this day, we can no longer fall into the trap set by the CCP on a single line, thinking that as long as the "legal" procedure is corrected in Liu's case and a parole and amnesty is sought, the case will be settled.
Basically, Liu Shanqing is a completely "unwarranted" unjust case, and he is currently sitting in a black prison set up by a ruling class that treats the people like enemies. All his sufferings were caused by his own actions. His personal freedom, life, and life are completely in the hands of the unreasonable so-called "people's democratic dictatorship" machine, and he can be crushed to pieces at any time. All this is happening in front of five million people.
This "trial" is hypocritical and a drama.
On the contrary, the person who tried Liu Shanqing will be given to the Chinese people, the Chinese people in Hong Kong, to refer to the future court for a real trial.
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Fang Su The revolution is dead
Mr. Fang Su
What I'm going to talk about today are some personal thoughts, and I can't represent other people or the Committee to Rescue Liu Shanqing. First of all, I want to say a few points about the Liu Shanqing incident. First, I don't know Liu Shanqing, so I can say that he and I are not friends. Second, what he did in the past, I don't know. Third, I also don't know what happened to him when he went to Guangzhou the year before and after. We can all say that we are not clear about the entire trial process of his case and other matters. All I can think of in my mind is the relationship between Liu Shanqing's entire case and Chinese politics.
It seems to me that the crux around this case is the question of revolution and counter-revolution. We all know a basic fact, that is, the current government in mainland China basically claims to be a revolutionary government. Until now, it has claimed to represent the revolution. Moreover, in the constitution, the word revolution is also insisted on, which insists on taking revolution as the ideal or goal. At the same time, in the provisions of the Constitution and the Criminal Law, the revolution is strongly emphasized, and the counter-revolution is opposed, and any counter-revolutionary acts and incidents are opposed. If we look back at the pro-democracy movement that broke out in 1978, we will find that the Liu Shanqing incident has deep roots. We can trace the rise of democratic movements, their repression, and their recent near-death. Everyone may know some of the processes and characters, but what impressed us the most should be a large number of people who have been arrested and sentenced in the past two years, including the familiar names of all of you here, such as He Qiu, Wang Xizhe, etc., and their charges, That is—counter-revolutionary!
Therefore, we are very skeptical about the question of what is revolution and counter-revolution. I personally dabble in very few classics, and I may be wrong. But according to my general impression, if you revisit those old classic chapters (including only some masters and leaders). For example, according to the Marxist aspect, he said: "The history of mankind since the beginning of writing is the history of class struggle." The contradiction between the two camps of the proletariat. They believed that the mission of the proletariat at that time was to achieve proletarian rule by violent revolution. Of course, this is only at the level of theory. As for the person who carried out the revolution in concrete, Lenin should be counted. In his lifetime, Lenin, besides engaging in revolution, also wrote many books, one of which is called "The State and Revolution". When we opened the book, the text said: "The purpose of the revolution is to smash the old state apparatus and establish a proletarian regime." If we count a little closer, we should count Mao Zedong. Mao Zedong once described revolution. He said: "Revolution is not a dinner party, embroidery, or making a fuss." Then he gave a clear definition of revolution: "Revolution is the violent action of one class to overthrow another class." in this way). According to this way of speaking, we can find that the revolution has its own object until it develops, that is, the life of the revolution and the struggle against.
We can clearly see that if there is to be a revolution, a revolutionary party is naturally necessary. First organize a party, then create a revolutionary force, and finally, if the revolution succeeds, overthrow the old ruler or regime, and the victorious revolutionary party organizes a new regime.
From this, we can see a big difference: before taking power, it has a clear object of struggle, and the question is, after the revolution is successful, what will the object of the revolution become? This is exactly my first question.
If we look further down, after the revolution and the grasp of political power, whether the political power is marked by the people's democratic dictatorship or the dictatorship of the proletariat; in the final analysis, the only word left is "dictatorship"! The simplest way of speaking of dictatorship can be called "one-party dictatorship". One-party dictatorship has been around for decades in China; it did not start with the Chinese Communist Party. From this, we can also see other things at the same time, that is, a political party that is already a dictatorship. Under the one-party dictatorship, of course, it must persist. What are you holding on to? It is revolution.
Now, what we talk about in mainland China are the so-called four insistences, one of which is to adhere to the party's leadership. In my opinion, this is probably the most important core part of the four persistence. So, what is the object of dictatorship? That is the so-called class enemy, that is, anyone in power who they think is opposed to the proletariat when they think the class struggle has not been extinguished. For example: the remnants of the bourgeoisie. As a result, we can see the arguments for a comprehensive dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and for a dictatorship of the capitalist roaders or the rightists. This is what we have seen in the past 30 years.
In this case, we can roughly grasp it without understanding it. Because if everyone could understand, there would not be so many people who would be considered counter-revolutionary for certain actions. Generally speaking, a counter-revolution is to oppose the revolutionary goals, dictatorship and revolutionary needs of the dictatorship party, etc., or those who intend to influence and even are thought to influence the above goals and needs are all counter-revolutionaries.
Looking further down from these discourses, the counter-revolution has its origins in the folk or the opposite of dictatorship. Another consideration here is how dictatorial parties understand reality and the people, and how they imagine the behavior of others. And inevitably, counter-revolutionary measures will emerge. There are roughly two types of such measures: the first is the so-called "lawlessness", that is, no matter what measures are imposed on the objects of dictatorship and what laws are used, only dictatorship is sought. The second is called "handling in accordance with the law," which is to punish acts that are considered counter-revolutionary in accordance with certain unique legal procedures. But the question is, who made such laws? Under what circumstances and on what basis was it formulated? Who will execute it?
Of course, we will also think of another question: Is this so-called "rule of law" governed by the legal system, or is it governed by the unique "law" system? I think this is a basic distinction, a question about the spirit of the law. If it is ruled by "law", then the law is nothing but a means to achieve a certain end!
The third thing that comes to my mind is the question of revolution and counter-revolution, what are the consequences and tragedies? We only need to look back at the history of China in recent decades to see a lot. The Kuomintang itself was a revolutionary party, and it established a revolutionary government (although it called itself the National Government). The opposite of the Kuomintang was the Communist Party, which also called itself a revolutionary party and established a revolutionary government. We can see that in this process, the revolution is to overthrow another regime or the previous stage of revolution (I am not a theoretical person, I don’t know if this can be called a continuous revolution, let the theoretical person figure it out !).
The second possibility is that a revolutionary party is in power and that the actions of other individuals and certain small groups are considered counter-revolutionary. Therefore, the implementation of "counter-counter-revolutionary" against them, while others are dissatisfied with this and oppose these "counter-counter-revolutionary" measures, which probably explains what has happened in China in recent years. First of all, the democratic movement took place, and it was once supported and encouraged by a certain official faction. However, when the official factions were settled in a frenzy, and the support of the people and the voice of the democratic movement were no longer needed, the words, deeds, and organization of these people were considered counter-revolutionary, and they were arrested and sentenced for the crime of counter-revolution.
After Wei Jingsheng was tried, the Liu Qing incident happened. After Liu Qing's accident, Wang Xizhe wrote a letter to the deputies of the congress. Later, this letter became Wang Xizhe's counter-revolutionary evidence. Officially, according to Articles 98 and 102 of the Criminal Law, he was charged with "undermining the implementation of state laws and decrees" and "spreading counter-revolutionary propaganda articles" and so on. After Wang Xizhe was arrested and sentenced, there were other people who opposed the official behavior; the forces of these opposition came from both domestic and overseas, as well as from Hong Kong. The final result is known to everyone. I think, without the above-mentioned things, Liu Shanqing would not have returned to China because of this. (That's just conjecture, of course!) Neither will this result.
From this, I have come to two conclusions: First, if the revolution is absolutely brought to such a height of conflict and contradiction, the revolutionary party will regard all other acts as counter-revolution and suppress them. This level of absolutism will put yourself above what they call bourgeois human rights, I don't know if human rights are unique to the bourgeoisie, but anyway I think everyone should have their rights as a human being , regardless of whether it belongs to any faction, or whether it is pro-revolutionary, or even the Trotskyites, which the Chinese Communist Party considers to be quite sinister. As long as he is a human being, he should have the rights that are due as a human being. We see that under the regime of the Chinese Communist Party, this right is unlikely to exist, or even trampled on.
My second feeling is that all ideologies have long since faded to the current stage of social development (I think everyone may not agree). We can see that the revolution at this stage can only bring tragedy, and I also feel - its consequences are telling us - that the real revolution is actually dead!
At the same time, I would like to say another paragraph. I don’t know whether what I have said so far is counter-revolutionary speech, I don’t know if this forum, and I don’t know whether the people participating in this forum are participating in counter-revolutionary actions. I hope that you can answer these questions. question! Done.
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The Hong Kong Institute of State Affairs talks about the Liu Shanqing incident
Hong Kong University Students' Union National Affairs Association
Since Liu Shanqing's disappearance in December 1981 and his arrest in April 1982, the academic community has been concerned about this matter. However, due to the lack of information and the unclear situation, they have remained silent on this matter. As the days passed, the academic circles learned more about Liu Shanqing's case. Some classmates visited Liu Shanqing's father; they collected information about Liu Shanqing's case in newspapers and from various quarters; they also visited some people who were familiar with the domestic situation and laws. In June, the Chinese University Student Union asked relevant domestic units about Liu Shanqing, and got a fairly quick reply from the relevant domestic units. Although Liu Shanqing has graduated from the University of Hong Kong for many years, the Institute of State Affairs of the University of Hong Kong still feels the responsibility to care about the incident.
Liu Shanqing, in his thirties, works as an engineer. He joins a self-organized group called "New Youth Society" in the Hong Kong Association and is very concerned about many issues in Hong Kong and China. In the 1970s and 1980s, like many enthusiastic young people at that time, they went to China to actively contact people who were engaged in the democracy movement. However, in 1980 and 1981, actions that could be called "repression" were taken against the pro-democracy movement. In May 1982, Liu Shanqing, who had been missing for more than four months, was finally charged with "counter-revolutionary crimes" and sentenced to 10 years in prison. Many groups and individuals in Hong Kong sent letters to domestic inquiries, but no response was received, and there has been no response in China. Provide relevant information. We really want to know the specific reasons, process and evidence of Liu Shanqing's arrest. This is a necessary step to care about the judgment. However, unfortunately, we have not yet had the means to obtain the necessary and sufficient information to know whether the judgment is correct or not. Justified.
As far as we know about the case handling process, there are some questions that lead to dissatisfaction:
After Liu Shanqing's parents disappeared, they were unable to find out his whereabouts. There was no notification of what agency, rights and other information should be contacted. So far (when we visited in August and September), no official judgment was received. This case is very isolated, or even isolated. We do not know how much domestic efforts have been made in this regard, but as far as we know, the judicial justice in it is insufficient.
Given that we are in Hong Kong, there is no evidence for many sources, but the following points are worth considering:
1. Are the time, place, charges, presiding judge, indictment, etc. of the relevant trial effective for other citizens or relevant persons to know clearly before the trial?
2. Did other citizens (especially Hong Kong people) attend the trial process? Do we have this right?
3. After Liu Shanqing was arrested, he was detained for two months before the trial began, which exceeded the time limit set by the Criminal Procedure Law. Is there any ambiguity in the handling? How to ensure the rights of suspects?
4. Who is Liu Shanqing's defense lawyer, who found it, who has the right to find and know the above information, and have his parents been informed? In addition, Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison in accordance with Article 102 of the "Criminal Law" concerning the "crime of inciting propaganda". According to the Criminal Law, those who have committed "serious crimes" will be sentenced to more than five years in prison. China (domestic reply to CUHK's letter about Liu) only mentioned that Liu Shanqing colluded with the counter-revolutionary He (presumably what it was), but nothing has been announced that deserves to be charged with "counter-revolutionary crimes". In our opinion, from the From Liu Shanqing's point of view, the sentence was too severe! If there is a special reason for this judgment in China, I hope it can be put forward to everyone in order to clear the doubts.
We all live in Hong Kong. We care about the development of democracy and the rule of law in the motherland, and we also care about the rights of Hong Kong residents in China. Without a clear explanation and answer to the case of Liu Shanqing, it is inevitable that many people will be worried, dissatisfied or misunderstood. Once the residents violate the law in China, they often cannot get the protection they deserve. With the development of the times, striving for more protection for the people and the spirit of the rule of law is beneficial to the citizens of China and Hong Kong. Do your best here.
(November 1, 1983, "People" bimonthly)
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Xiao Bing's "Promoting a Democracy Movement Is More Sin than Espionage?" Questioning the CCP Bureaucracy
Wiki introduction: "Rover (1921-May 2, 2014), formerly known as Luo Chengxun, was born in Guilin, Guangxi in 1921, a senior newspaper reporter in Hong Kong, former deputy editor-in-chief of Ta Kung Pao and editor-in-chief of New Evening News."
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Xiao Bing's "Promoting a Democracy Movement Is More Sin than Espionage?" Questioning the CCP Bureaucracy
On November 6, the China News Service issued a telegram regarding Luo Chengxun's parole. Luo Chengxun, the former editor-in-chief of "New Evening News" and a member of the CPPCC, was detained during a trip last July; he was subsequently charged with the crime of "stealing, spying, and providing information for the enemy" under Article 97, paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law, and was sentenced to prison. ten years.
Since Luo Chengxun disappeared in July last year, it has been arousing speculation and discussion from overseas people. Until the CCP first announced the news of his sentence, there were still different opinions. In fact, since the CCP came to power, various "wrongful, false and wrong" cases, as well as the recent arrest of pro-democracy activist and Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing, are indeed suspicious. Therefore, in addition to reporting and explaining why Luo Chengxun was released this time, the China News Agency's telegram also published a record of an interview with him, using Luo's words to prove that he deserved his sentence. In addition, a reporter from China News Agency also interviewed Liu Yunfeng, president of the Beijing Intermediate People's Court, to explain the early parole of Luo Chengxun, emphasizing that the parole is based on Article 73 of the Criminal Law, and there is a legal basis.
well-intentioned
China News Agency's telecommunications can be described as well-intentioned, and it proves that Luo Chengxun deserves his crime. Two stated that the trial of Luo's case complied with legal procedures, and three promoted the CCP's policy of "confession and leniency."
However, after reading this telegram, the author couldn't help but think that it is not worth the arrest of the pro-democracy activists and Liu Shanqing.
According to the telecommunication report, Luo Chengxun admitted that "for many years, he used the convenience of the editor-in-chief of the newspaper and the members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference to provide the US intelligence agencies with the state secrets and secret information available to them, and to receive their allowances." I completely accept the sentence of ten years in prison. The leniency has reached its limit, and the sentence cannot be lighter. I fully plead guilty, do not want any defense, and have no intention of appealing after the sentence." At the same time, Liu Yunfeng responded to the inquiries about the sentencing and parole standards in Luo's case. Said: "The court took into account his situation and attitude towards his confession, and decided to give him a lighter punishment within the scope of the law and sentenced him to 10 years in prison. Regarding Luo's parole, because he was honest throughout the trial process, he hated himself for ignoring his own interests. , expressing deep repentance, during the prison reform period, he pleaded guilty and served the law, and he performed well... According to the provisions of Article 73 of the Criminal Law, he was granted parole on June 28."
The author does not know Luo Chengxun himself, and the CCP has not published a detailed case record, so I cannot determine whether he has committed a crime, or whether he pleaded guilty to obtain parole. If the report is true, Luo Chengxun's release is sufficient proof that the CCP persecutes pro-democracy activists in the name of "legal system" and Luo Zhi is the truth. Take Wei Jingsheng, the editor of Beijing's private publication "Exploration" as an example. One of his charges is similar to Luo Chengxun's, but his specific evidence is that he leaked military intelligence (or reported secrets) to foreign reporters, such as the Chinese army during the Sino-Vietnamese War. The name of the commander, the number of troops dispatched and casualties, etc. Obviously, Wei Jingsheng can neither "take advantage of the convenience of the editor-in-chief of the newspaper and members of the CPPCC" to hand over state secrets and information to the US intelligence agencies, nor "receive allowances" like Luo. This proves that Wei Jingsheng can't get any secrets at all, and he didn't use confidential texts and telegrams to help the enemy to receive allowances. Luo Chengxun's situation can be said to be much more serious. On the other hand, pro-democracy activists run publications based on their constitutional rights to promote socialist democracy, the legal system, and criticize bureaucratic dictatorship, which are even more innocent and justifiable actions, but were sentenced to ten years or more in prison. Liu Shanqing went north to visit the pro-democracy activists, supported the pro-democracy movement, communicated with them, and even condoled to their families after their arrest. How could it be a crime to compare with Luo Chengxun?
Therefore, the friendship between the pro-democracy activists and Liu Shanqing is a world apart from that of Luo Chengxun. They are innocent and should be released immediately!
The difference between clouds and mud
The reason why Luo Chengxun was granted parole so lightly and quickly (According to Article 79 of the Criminal Law: an average prisoner must serve more than half of his sentence before he can be granted parole.) The president of the Beijing People's Court explained, "It is because of his circumstances and his confession. Attitude, he has been honest during the interrogation process; he pleaded guilty and served the law while serving his sentence and reformed, with a good attitude.”
Therefore, the author cannot help but think that before the arrest of the pro-democracy activists, when the government was forcibly suppressing and persecuting the folk magazines, they had repeatedly refuted the unreasonable oppression of the CCP based on the principles of socialist democracy and the provisions of the Constitution granting civil liberties. After being arrested, they, who have always adhered to their principles, naturally fought hard. For example, Wang Xizhe once quoted the classics of Marxism-Leninism in his defense in court. As the CCP strictly seals information about them, the author only knows that Wang Xizhe and Xu Wenli have defended themselves and appealed, and Liu Shanqing has also denied the charges and appeals. The whereabouts of the rest are still unknown. But if any of them "confessed their guilt and served the law", they would definitely be listed as a model like the current Luo Chengxun and the past Yang Guang (the editor-in-chief of "Exploration", who was not prosecuted because he testified against Wei Jingsheng, and Xunhe was exempted from prosecution) Deeds are reported in the newspapers.
However, as far as we know, all arrested pro-democracy activists, except those whose whereabouts are unknown, were charged with counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement and sentenced to ten years or more in prison. Running a publication to promote democratic ideas and criticize autocratic privileges, and even to explore China's future; and providing information to the US intelligence agencies; the two are incalculable. However, the lawful and reasonable behavior of the former was exchanged for a heavy sentence; the latter was granted parole for good behavior. Does the CCP think that the words and deeds of fighting for democracy are more terrible than espionage? To put it bluntly, the CCP obviously regards the struggle for democracy as a serious problem; for collaborators who are willing to "bow their heads and confess their guilt", especially those who are willing to falsify facts to slander others such as Yang Guang, but regardless of their criminal responsibilities, they will be given light sentences.
From this, it is not difficult to understand the incident in which Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison. There is simply no sufficient evidence to support it. Moreover, he communicated with the pro-democracy activists and even supported them, which does not constitute a crime. However, since he was arrested, he has been without any news and appealed against the court's decision, which proves his reasoning and refusal to cooperate with the government to slander the pro-democracy movement. Therefore, he will spend nine more years in prison than Luo Chengxun, the long-time enemy. In the eyes of the CCP bureaucracy, the legal system is actually a stick to do whatever it wants!
Free the Democracy Fighters now!
At the same time, although Liu Yunfeng did not further explain, the CCP's light sentence and special priority for parole Luo Chengxun were based on what reasons. However, according to a report by China News Agency, it should be said that Luo is in the "complex environment" of Hong Kong, and his disobedience due to dissatisfaction with the Gang of Four is worthy of forgiveness, and his achievements in the United Front over the past 30 years are worthy of recognition.
By the same token, pro-democracy activists are mostly the vanguard fighters who oppose bureaucratic autocracy, especially the "Gang of Four." When the members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee unanimously identified the Tiananmen Movement as a "counter-revolutionary incident," even after the Gang of Four was overthrown, they were still not vindicated, they had long since stood up heroically to cry and fight for democracy. Is this more than just the difference between Luo Chengxun's collaborating with the enemy? Today, the former is at ease and the latter is behind bars, which is really a satire on the so-called "legal system" of the CCP. Similarly, when Liu Shanqing was a student at university, he actively pleaded for the orders of the lower classes in Hong Kong, and participated in various actions to fight for rights and democracy. He also advocated combining the future of Hong Kong with the future of domestic socialist democracy in order to seek a way out for the toiling masses of Hong Kong. The student movement and social movement and Liu's friends are witnesses to this. Afterwards, he practiced himself and returned to China to contact the pro-democracy activists, hoping to contribute to the promotion of socialist democracy in China, which is an action worthy of everyone's respect and support. Liu Shanqing and Luo Chengxun are both in Hong Kong; one is a long-term enemy and receives allowances, and the other tries his best to support the mass movement and promote the democratization of China. It is self-evident that the two are better or worse. Luo Chengxun can be released on parole, and the pro-democracy activists and Liu Shanqing should be rehabilitated and released immediately.
Should we keep silent?
At present, the future of Hong Kong has aroused discussions among all sectors of society. Generally speaking, people hope to implement "Hong Kong people's rule of Hong Kong" on the premise of regaining sovereignty, so as to prevent the CCP from imposing bureaucratic rule on the Chinese living in Hong Kong. However, it is very strange that groups and mass organizations that stand for Hong Kong's future in form and form remain silent on the sentence of Liu Shanqing and pro-democracy activists. The author is most surprised that many social activists who are familiar with Liu Shanqing rarely react to the Liu Shanqing incident.
It must be known that, as Liu Shanqing and many others have pointed out, China cannot achieve socialist democracy in one day; Hong Kong is unspeakably beneficial to the democratic politics of the working masses. Now, it is reasonable and understandable for people to ask the CCP not to adopt a domestic one-party dictatorship to transplant Hong Kong before China resumes the exercise of Hong Kong sovereignty. However, if you keep silent about the CCP’s persecution of pro-democracy activists and Liu Shanqing, wouldn’t it be contrary to the principles of freedom of speech, assembly, association, and democratic elections that you demand from the CCP?
Therefore, for those who wish to implement a democratic political system in Hong Kong and enjoy various basic political rights and confessions, please think about it, is it a duty to support the pro-democracy activists and Liu Shanqing, and ask the CCP to vindicate them and release them?
January 10, 1984 War News
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Hong Kong political prisoners in the mainland (excerpt)
A big problem caused by disappearance
"South China Morning Post" Guan Yuci
Compiler introduction
The reporter first briefly reported on Liu Shanqing's disappearance until his sentence, and brought out that Amnesty International defined him as a prisoner of conscience. The association also detailed that tens of thousands of suspects have disappeared in China, illegally arrested and detained, taken to prison without charge and arraigned, and solitary confinement.
Although the association called on China to improve its respect for human rights in various ways, it believed that it would be difficult for China to change.
The reporter said that Liu's case raised a sensitive issue for the Hong Kong government. The nationality of Hong Kong residents is complicated and confusing, and neither the Hong Kong government nor the British Parliament intends to provide diplomatic protection.
The reporter quoted a spokesman for Ying Liuhui as saying that the most difficult thing for the relatives and friends of the missing is to wait indefinitely; the victims often keep silent for fear of retribution. Father Liu also looked disappointed and resigned.
Finally, the reporter said, observers and analysts pointed out that the closer to 1997 the human rights issue became more important, especially the threat to the outspoken; China has not signed international human rights conventions, and one has to trust that China will not impose its legal system on Hong Kong .
October 7, 1984
South China Morning Post Feature Story Ann Quon
SCMP Sunday, October 7, 1984
HK Prisoners in China
Disappearance raises key questions
By Ann Quon
Mr. Liu Sanqing boarded a train at Hunghom station on Christmas Day 1981 for a short visit to Canton to see relatives of two political prisoners.
It was the last time he would be seen in public.
After repeated efforts by his father to obtain information from the Canton authorities, it was disclosed in March last year, fully 26 months after Mr. Liu's disappearance, that he had been tried and sentenced to 10 years in prison on counter-revolutionary charges. The Chinese authorities have never released details of the trial, but in letters to a Hongkong activist group that campaigned for his release, they made it clear that although the computer sales engineer was born in Hongkong, they considered him a Chinese national.
As such, he was found guilty of collaborating with others to overthrow the Government.
Mr. Liu (30) is one of 24 people adopted by the human rights group Amnesty International as prisoners of conscience in China. But his is the only case involving a Hongkong-born Chinese.
The implications are important for Hongkong because despite the guarantees, in 13 years we could be living in that system, says a civil rights activist
Amnesty believes there are tens of thousands of political prisoners who, like Mr. Liu, are being held in prisons and labour camps throughout many without being charged or tried, in conditions described as cruel, inhuman and degrading. While there is no evidence of torture , in its report on human rights violations in China, Amnesty says prisoners are often held in solitary confinement for prolonged periods, sometimes shackled for weeks and forced to stand motionless without food for 24 hours.
Beatings are not unusual, it says. The human rights group also believes the numbers in prison have risen sharply in the past 13 months as a result of the country's anti-crime campaign.
Although China has not released statistics on the numbers arrested or executed during the campaign, Amnesty charges that more than 10,000 were executed between August last year and January this year. "Our main concern is to appeal to the Chinese to abolish the death penalty it is a basic violation of human rights," says Miss Sreelata de Costa, Amnesty's London based Asian regional officer, who is in Hongkong as part of a touch-base tour.
Since 1981, China has almost doubled to 44 the number of offences that are punishable by death, ranging from murder and rape to robbery and plotting to overthrow the Government. Amnesty has also appealed to Peking to free prisoners jailed for their beliefs.
Official statistics on the number of Hongkong residents being held in Chinese prisons for their beliefs are not available in Hongkong, where the Government treats the matter as an internal Chinese affair.
However, our inquiries have uncovered several cases of Hongkong residents who have gone missing and been imprisoned in recent years -- some, for reasons that have never been fully explained, others for beliefs and activities that in Amnesty's view, would label them as prisoners of conscience.
Our inquiries confirm Amnesty's findings that there is a common pattern in the detention of prisoners. They are often held for several months without being charged, often denied permission to contact their families, friends or seek legal advice and tried without the right to plead their case . Many were sentenced to several years in prison, often without the knowledge of their families.
In one case, the mother of a Hongkong-born detainee read about her son's plight in a newspaper, a year after his detention. After contacting the Chinese authorities, she was asked to produce three boxes of documents that her son had left in her safekeeping and she believes the contents were later used against him.
He was held in prison for 26 months without trial during which time his mother was not allowed to visit him.
We object to the imprisonment of people for prolonged periods. We'd like to see them charged and tried as quickly as possible, said Miss de Costa. Apart from mounting letter campaigns to put pressure on the Chinese Government, a strategy that Amnesty employs, it would appear little can be done to speed up the process of law.
Chinese notions of justice lag far behind those in the West and like it or not, they can be brutal," said a political analyst. So what can be done for political prisoners who find themselves on the wrong side of the law in China? Apparently very little.
The issue is a sensitive one for the Hongkong Government which cannot offer consular protection to Hongkong-born residents. Since most Hongkong Chinese enter China on a "hui xiang zheng," a kind of multiple re-entry visa for Overseas Chinese issued by the Chinese Government, travelers forfeit any consular protection and place themselves under Chinese jurisdiction.
"It doesn't matter whether your birthplace is Hongkong because as soon as you step on to Chinese soil, you are considered a Chinese national and it would be improper for the Government to interfere with the laws of another country," said Mr. Ian MacCallum, of the civil rights group Justice.
That view was echoed in a British parliamentary question raised on July 20, 1982. When asked what consular assistance was offered by London to citizens of the United Kingdom and its colonies, the British Government disclosed that those ethnic Chinese of Hongkong who are citizens of the UK and colonies and citizens of the People's Republic of China are not entitled to official consular protection within China.
But there have been instances where the Hongkong Government has been known to make inquiries through channels other than official consular ones.
In one case, the colleagues of a civil servant became worried when he failed to turn up at work. It was established he had gone to China for a visit and disappeared.
After making inquiries through official channels, it is now understood the man was sentenced to between five to eight years in prison and is working out his term in a labour camp. It is also understood the civil servant's junior rank ruled out the possibility of treason.
Our information is there have been other cases of civil servants disappearing. But it is understood the number is very small.
However, it is not only Government employees for whom inquiries are made. Sometimes they result from lobbying by local human rights groups.
It was through such a group that members of Liu Sanqing's family found out he had been detained. In that instance the Government acted only as a go between for inquiries between the British Embassy in Peking and the Chinese authorities.
The group was informed in a letter from the Canton People's Court that Mr. Liu has been tried and convicted for conspiring to overthrow the Government and sentenced to 10 years.
What makes the ordeal unbearable for many families is the months spent not knowing what has happened to missing people. There are no late-night phone calls.
"We've received letters from distressed relatives and friends of people who went to China and simply disappeared," said Mr. Francis Lau, who set up a committee to help rescue Mr. Liu shortly after his 1981 disappearance in Canton.
The one-time student activist and teacher said former political prisoners now consider him a Samaritan.
One young man came to see him after his release from a five-year jail sentence for tearing a page out of a literary magazine that was meant for circulation inside China only.
In another case, a youth active in the student movement locally had gone on a pleasure trip to China and disappeared. He surfaced in Hongkong five years later. When he came to see me, he refused to say anything about his experience or why he was jailed," said Mr. Lau, who feels many are reluctant to provide details of their experiences for fear of reprisals against relatives still in China.
He says the tendency to keep quiet extends to families trying to get incarcerated relatives out. The fear is that any publicity or pressure from human rights groups might hurt their chances, or, worse, result in retaliation.
Such a case was the imprisonment of Mr. Liu, around whom most of Mr. Lau's human rights work is centered.
Mr. Lau believes Mr. Liu was guilty of no more than having the courage of his convictions and was simply a victim of overzealous idealism during the victim's student days.
"If he were here now, he'd probably be supporting the district board elections," he said. He added that Mr. Liu's father at first worked actively through Mr. Lau's committee for his son's release. Now however, after two years, he has virtually severed links with the group.
"I think he felt it was better to try and deal with the Chinese directly," says Mr. Lau. While the elder Mr. Liu (60) acknowledges he has been in touch with the Canton authorities, he scoffs at the suggestion that he has tried to make any deals. "It's been three years since my son was jailed and it'll be at least another seven before he gets out," said the metal worker, who has apparently accepted nothing can be done to secure his son's early release.
It will be an even longer wait for Mrs. Huang Yeung-yee, whose son Hanson (33) is serving a 15-year prison term on espionage charges. Mr. Huang vanished in January 1982 and was later tried and convicted of possessing secret " internal" material on China's nuclear energy programme and intending to pass it on to the Americans.
Mr. Huang's background is far from that of a criminal. Hongkong-born and raised, he studied in the United States where he graduated from Harvard law school in 1976. He worked in the United States for the prominent law firm of Baker and McKenzie, but in 1979 took leave to teach law at the Foreign Trade Institute in Peking.
"Hanson always wanted to do something for China, even as a kid and teaching law to Chinese students was his way of contributing to China," a former classmate said.
A firm believer in the Peking Government's policy of modernization, he also became a consultant to a newly formed Chinese investment company which was set up to attract foreign investment.
A former classmate from the Diocesan Boys' School recalled that Mr. Huang was "extremely intelligent" but "extremely arrogant. He claimed to have known Chinese leader Mr. Deng Xiaoping personally, which somewhat justified his claim of inside knowledge of Chinese affairs. Another former friend said: “There is no way Hanson was a spy. “He was too pro-China and wanted to help China any way he could.”
Like many parents of prisoners who were not informed about their children's incarceration or conviction, Mrs. Huang waited two years before she was allowed to visit her son in his Peking detention center.
She does not believe her son is a spy either. In a recent interview, she is reported to have said prison life does not appear to have affected her son's outlook on life and he has set up a strict reading schedule -- economics and natural science during the day and law and literature at night.
Despite a few grey hairs, he was in good health, she said. Mrs. Huang says she has not sought the help of the Hongkong Government in securing her son's release.
Like Mr. Liu, she is prepared to wait it out. Observers point out the issue of human rights will become increasingly important in Hongkong in the runup to 1997.
"If political prisoners now languishing in China's jails are any indication, imagine the repercussions if the Chinese found out the names of those who are voicing their objections on the joint declaration to the assessment office?" asked one analyst.
Although the joint declaration on Hongkong's future makes it clear individual freedoms will be respected under the United Nations covenant on civil and political rights after 1997, it fails to point out China is not a signatory to this pact.
“We have to trust the Chinese will respect and observe the covenant as it affects Hongkong residents and so far there is no indication they will not,” said a political analyst
Said another: "Even though China's has lagged far behind ours, they could have imposed their own judicial system on us any time they wanted to in the last 35 years."
“The fact that they didn't must mean something.”
Is it merely a paper promise?
ANN Quon's interesting article (SCM Post, October 7) on Hongkong prisoners in China, is a timely reminder that it would be unwise to assume that the continuation in force, after 1997, of the provisions of the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights is an adequate guarantee that the provisions will be respected.
China's ratification of those covenants might well give greater confidence. But it will still not be a guarantee. Among the list of states that have ratified the covenants, according to Amnesty International's report for 1982, are the Soviet Union, East Germany, Iran and El Salvador.
The message is, as with so many other seemingly reassuring features of the draft agreement, that as soon as it has been signed, Hongkong people have got to organise themselves to make sure that these paper promises become realities.
JOHN WALDEN
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Zhang Yu can't save Liu Shanqing with his mouth
Zhang Yu
Several college and church organizations have recently launched a request for the Chinese government to release Liu Shanqing, a graduate of the University of Hong Kong who has been imprisoned in mainland China for three years. Although this move is technically questionable, it also reminds Hong Kong and other people concerned about the Chinese democracy movement. In the prisons in mainland China, there are also political prisoners such as Liu Shanqing who were imprisoned on unclear charges during the opening-up movement after the Cultural Revolution, including Wei Jingsheng and Wang Xizhe in mainland China.
Although, through diplomatic pressure, in the early opening and changes after the Cultural Revolution, people like Li Shuang were once freed, but Liu Shanqing, who is suspected of counter-revolutionary charges, cannot be compared with the case of demeanor and national reputation, and some students and church organizations in Hong Kong cannot be compared with the case. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of a dignified country is on the same level, so the repeated requests for Liu Shanqing's early release do not seem to be turned into reality in the short term.
Because Liu's father visited Liu Shanqing in a prison in Guangzhou recently, and the Chinese authorities had officially answered the reason for Liu Shanqing's imprisonment earlier when dealing with public opinion in Hong Kong, the Liu Shanqing incident has actually been explained clearly. It is believed that it is impossible for the Chinese authorities to succumb to the pressure of public opinion on the Hong Kong side.
Of course, the prisoners behaved well in prison, and the effect of re-education was good. There is still the fact of early release in China's sentence-serving laws. The units that rescued Liu Shanqing proposed that the relationship between China and Hong Kong would be good and Hong Kong would return to China's embrace. "Extrajudicial benevolence" will help enhance the confidence of Hong Kong people. Although they already know how to take advantage of environmental conditions and opportunities, the premise of calling for Liu Shanqing's early release is still based on the element of "injustice", which is of course the Chinese authorities. Unacceptable, at least not now. Because this is undoubtedly the unwarranted habit of buttoning the hat when admitting the crime of counter-revolution.
In fact, given the current level of China's openness to Hong Kong people, the person who has been calling for the release of Liu Shanqing in Hong Kong can go to the mainland in person to seek legal avenues to see if there is a possibility of reversing the case of Liu. Liu's case may not have an appeal procedure. Of course, it may not be feasible to collect some evidence and materials and request a review of the people's court. As long as everything is done in accordance with Chinese law, the rescuers believe that they will not cause trouble because of this, which may not be feasible. Of the policy!
The author and Liu Shanqing have worked together and have a little understanding of Liu's personality. The author believes that before the accident, he was a young man who was ignorant of the heights of the world and was bewitched by his ideals. The terrifying political snare, supported by fanatical ideals, has no sense of fear at all, while Liu's ideal is only a natural tendency to freedom. There is no ordinary person's perception of danger, so a visit to a pro-democracy activist whose role is unclear and ineffective can be exchanged for ten years of imprisonment. He is a typical Hong Kong youth model who has enthusiasm but lacks the wisdom of a statesman.
("News in the News", Ming Pao Weekly, January 6, 1985)
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Muzi rescues Liu Shanqing
Muzi
Every year at this time, a group of people will come out to demand the release of Hong Kong youth Liu Shanqing by the Chinese authorities by means of press conferences and petitions to Xinhua News Agency. In fact, this group of people does not only run once a year, but they will definitely have more public activities at the end of the year, because Liu Jun was arrested at the end of 1981, and he has been imprisoned for five years.
Readers who pay attention to the news may have a vague impression of the name. I don't know how many Hong Kong people have been detained or thrown into prison on the mainland for various crimes. Only Liu Jun received the most persistent public rescue and attention. No one else, fairness and freedom. There is no empirical "proof" to disprove Liu Jun's innocence. At the end of 1981, he went to Guangzhou to visit the families of the arrested pro-democracy activists, and he "disappeared" and never returned. After family members and enthusiastic people repeatedly followed up on petitions, sent letters to the Hong Kong government, Xinhua News Agency, and members of the "People's Congress" Hong Kong and Macau committees to press for inquiries, it took about two years for students from Hong Kong (note that they are not Liu Jun's parents) to receive an official letter from the Guangzhou side. The letter replied that the local court had convicted the crime of counter-revolution and sentenced him to ten years in prison. It goes without saying that this "trial" was conducted without the family members of the accused being notified." It is precisely because of this ambiguity that Amnesty International lists him as a "prisoner of conscience" and calls on the efforts of those who support justice around the world to demand that the Chinese authorities release him. At present, many students and church members in Hong Kong who are running for Liu Jun are not familiar with Liu Jun, and they stand up and speak with a righteous conscience. And this move can also be regarded as "public and private", because 97 is approaching, and no one wants to disappear because of their conscience.
(December 19, 1986, "New News", "Yangguan Road")
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Jiangliu Incident Report
"China Spring" Hong Kong correspondent Jiang Liu
one
Liu Shanqing, who is already famous in Hong Kong, is still unknown in the world. Liu Shanqing is a young man from Hong Kong who was secretly arrested and sentenced by the Chinese government for supporting the Chinese democracy movement. The Chinese democracy movement should not ignore him. To be more precise, Liu Shanqing should be ranked alongside Wei Jingsheng, Liu Qing, Xu Wenli and others. respect and attention. China Spring had already paid attention to Liu Shanqing's case in 1983, and had already participated in some of the activities of the Hong Kong people to rescue Liu Shanqing; however, we have done very little. So far, China Spring has not even done much reporting. It would be a mistake to ignore him like this.
two
Liu Shanqing, 33 years old, male, studied at the University of Hong Kong in 1973. He was a member of the Current Affairs Committee of the Student Union of the University of Hong Kong and actively engaged in the student movement. In 1976, he and others protested against the student union's blind obedience to the CCP's trend, condemned the CCP's unconstitutional behavior, and supported the "Tiananmen Square Incident on April 5." After graduating from university, he and his friends founded the "New Youth Society" in Hong Kong, dedicated to raising young people's social awareness and feelings of home and country. From 1976 to 1979, he would be active in any large-scale social movements in Hong Kong, such as the protest against the government's closure of Jinxi Middle School, the employees of Jiashi TV station fighting for work resumption, and the great movement to defend Diaoyutai. Participate in and show his pure heart.
After the "Beijing Spring", he responded to China's democracy movement in Hong Kong with patriotic passion and participated in the work of the "China Democracy Movement Information Center" and the "Hong Kong Association for Supporting the Chinese Democracy Movement". Dangerous, go back to China and contact the patriots of the democracy movement, and strive to spread the impact of the Chinese democracy movement to Hong Kong and lead it to the world, so as to strengthen the momentum of the Chinese democracy movement.
three
In 1981, the CCP massively suppressed the pro-democracy movement, and a large number of pro-democracy activists were arrested. In the land of China, a cold current rolled in for a while. Perhaps because blood is thicker than water, Liu Shanqing ignored the danger and went to Guangzhou before December 25 to visit the relatives of arrested pro-democracy fighters Wang Xizhe and He Qiu. Since then, their whereabouts are unknown. From January to March 1982, Liu's father and Liu's friends made inquiries to the Hong Kong and Chinese governments on many occasions. Until March 23, Liu's father was verbally notified by the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau that Liu had been arrested for violating the criminal law. in prison. In April, the Committee to Rescue Liu Shanqing was established in Hong Kong. It continued to hold press conferences, launch autograph campaigns, publish Liu Meng’s books, publish advertisements, put up posters, distribute leaflets, and petition to Xinhua News Agency. It strongly appealed to the Chinese government to announce the arrest of Liu. for reasons that demanded a public interrogation of Liu. On October 6, 1982, the Hong Kong authorities replied to Liu's father and Liu's friends, stating that the British embassy in Beijing had made inquiries to the Chinese government. detained for wrongdoing. On March 23, 1983, Liu's father went to Guangzhou and was verbally notified by the Guangdong Provincial Intermediate Court: Liu was sentenced to ten years in prison, but he refused to explain what he had done. When the news came back to Hong Kong, there was an immediate public outcry. According to an analysis by Amnesty International, Liu was listed as a prisoner of conscience on April 3 and called on the Chinese government to release him immediately. Only the CCP's institutions in Hong Kong and the so-called Hong Kong people's congress representatives and CPPCC members are all pretending to be deaf and dumb. In August 1983, the "Cross-Strait People's Livelihood Comparison Group" of the Chinese University of Hong Kong went to Beijing to inquire about Liu's case with the CCP's high-level officials. Then in September, the Chinese University Student Union Luo Yongsheng received a letter from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court, alleging that "there is no illegal problem in handling Liu, please do not have any doubts". What wrongdoing Liu did, he still resolutely avoided talking about it.
Since then, more and more groups and enthusiasts have written and distributed more and more propaganda texts for Liu. On April 5, 1986, China Spring also distributed 60,000 leaflets on the streets of Hong Kong and Kowloon regarding the incident of Liu and other pro-democracy activists. It is outrageous that, in the face of the strong demands of the masses, the Chinese government turned a deaf ear and refused to disclose how "lawless" Liu was.
Four
The Liu case caused a public outcry. The fundamental reason is that people from all walks of life have always been full of doubts about Liu's case: what is the "wrongful behavior" of Liu? Is it Liu's crime or the Chinese government? If the Chinese government wants to be serious about the law and discipline, it should publish all the legal records of Liu's case (including investigation records, indictments, court records of the whole case, judgments, etc.), and even allow Liu to meet with reporters. The Chinese government, in the face of the doubts of the people of the world, actually prevaricates with the phrase "don't doubt". What kind of democracy is this? This is simply treating the people as scumbags.
Article 50 of the "Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China", which came into effect on January 1, 1980, stipulates: "After arresting a criminal, the reason for the arrest and the place of detention shall be notified within 24 hours. family members or his unit”. After Liu's arrest, the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau not only failed to comply with this requirement within two months, but also refused to inform Liu of the reason for his arrest when Liu's father tracked down the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau. It is obviously illegal for the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau to do so. The Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court claimed that "there is no illegal problem" in the trial of Liu's case, which is completely nonsense. As for how many "illegal issues" remain, it remains to be investigated.
From the letter from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court to the President of the Chinese University of Hong Kong Student Union, Law Wing-sang, it can be seen that the Chinese government's accusation of Liu is just an empty "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement crime". According to the current constitution, citizens have the freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association, procession and demonstration. We believe that it is unconstitutional and very inappropriate to convict Liu Shanqing based on speech and thought.
five
Liu Shanqing rarely writes articles. He is not like Wei Jingsheng, Liu Qing, Xu Wenli, Wang Xizhe and others who use pen and paper to point out the disadvantages of the times and advocate democratic reform. All he did was spread the awareness of democracy and support the persecuted pro-democracy activists and their families. In these ordinary pro-democracy work, he showed his great loyalty to China and the Chinese nation. For this reason, even though he is not the leader of the democracy movement, and despite the Chinese government's attitude towards Liu's case that he wants to go his own way, the people who are enthusiastic about the democracy movement in Hong Kong still insist on supporting Liu's family and not letting Liu Shanqing be wronged.
In fact, from the standpoint of human rights, it is also not allowed to imprison Liu for ten years without revealing the facts of his crimes, and ignore the unjust prison. This unjust prison will imprison us tomorrow. For this reason, many people in the society continue to cry out for Liu and complain for Liu's injustice.
It has been five years since Liu was arrested. In October of this year, Ying Liuhui invited representatives of several groups to hold a meeting. After reviewing the domestic reform situation, the meeting concluded that: under the pressure of public opinion, the Chinese government has released some democratic leaders, such as Yang Zaixing from Guizhou and Fu Shenqi from Shanghai. There is really no reason not to release Liu Shanqing, a supporter of the pro-democracy movement. In order to dispel the Hong Kong people's doubts about the Chinese government, and to promote the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong in 1997, it is necessary to make an extensive mobilization. For this reason, a special report is made to the Chinese government on the Liu Shanqing case. Called as follows:
(1) Publish Liu's criminal facts and publish all the records of Liu's trial.
(2) Give Liu Shanqing humane treatment and allow Liu's close relatives and friends to visit the prison.
(3) Liu Shanqing shall be released on parole or vindicated.
The meeting decided: send someone to talk with Xinhua News Agency; send someone to Guangzhou Prison to ask to visit Liu Shanqing; mobilize international public opinion to pay attention to Liu Shanqing's case; raise funds to support various activities. The meeting also decided that if the Chinese government insists on ignoring it and is deaf and dumb, it will launch a signature campaign and hold a petition protest.
The Hong Kong members of China Spring sent representatives to attend the meeting. The representatives told the meeting: China Spring will notify all branches of China around the world, calling on them to take various means to support the movement to rescue Liu Shanqing in Hong Kong.
Here, we would like to call on all China Spring members and China Spring readers to take action to break the unjust prison of Liu Shanqing and fight for a beautiful China with democracy, rule of law, freedom, human rights and diversity.
October 26, 1986
(April 1987 "China Spring" Monthly)
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Newspapers and Periodicals
Express Short Needle "Say a few words for Liu Shanqing"
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(Express, 19 May 1982)
"Say a few words for Liu Shanqing"
Today, on the first page of this newspaper, an advertisement for an "open letter" was published, the content of which was an appeal for the rescue of Hong Kong University graduate Liu Shanqing (a Hong Kong engineer) who was detained in Guangzhou. We considered this advertisement for a week before publishing it. Young people in state affairs raise vigilance?
In the past few years, some students of "HKU" and "CUHK" have been very enthusiastic about social work. They are especially concerned about the current political situation in China and often travel between China and Hong Kong. They occasionally feel that they are cynical and talkative. They are ignorant of the situation and are more than enthusiastic. Not thinking enough.
It is said that Liu Shanqing's detention in Guangzhou is related to the aftermath of "Li Yizhe" posting a big-character poster in Guangzhou. One of the three "Li Yizhe" Wang Xizhe was arrested for writing an article that was not acceptable to the authorities. Liu Shanqing sympathized with Wang Jun. On December 25 last year, he went to Guangzhou to visit Wang's family in person, so his whereabouts were unknown, and the Public Security Bureau confirmed that he had been detained.
In fact, given the current political situation on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, posting big-character posters and writing articles maliciously attacking the government are unacceptable. Liu Shanqing is an angry young man who is dissatisfied with the status quo. It is said that he participated in the "Golden Jubilee Incident" when he was in Hong Kong. What is ignorant is that he regards Guangzhou as Hong Kong. Too impulsive and imprisoned. This is the misfortune of angry young people and the tragedy of the times!
Judging from various facts, we believe that Liu Shanqing's visit to Sui was just a passionate heart, and it can be said that he had no political element at all. Although his behavior was stupid, his feelings were pitiful. If he did not violate other criminal laws, it seems that the CCP authorities should forgive him. Even if there is a real mistake, it is appropriate to disclose the crime, so as to avoid a lot of suspicion among the young people who "love the motherland" and cause disappointment and centrifugal tendencies?
Contemporary youth thought has been troubled for a long time and has no way out. Especially the young people who grew up and educated in the colonies felt more hesitant under the political struggle on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.
Judging the situation, Beijing has not been able to implement the high degree of democracy and freedom of Western countries, but personal protection should be respected. May the CCP authorities, who are publicly calling on Hong Kong and Macao compatriots to discuss the draft constitution, think twice!
"Hong Kong Times" "Short Commentary" Protests against CCP's illegal "sentence" of Hong Kong residents
Yu Tian
A Hong Kong resident, Liu Shanqing, went to Guangzhou in December 1981. He was arrested by the CCP for his sympathy with the Guangzhou pro-democracy activist Wang Xizhe (one of the three "Li Yizhe", and was illegally "sentenced" by the CCP for his democratic freedom movement). ), made a special trip to Guangzhou to visit Wang Xizhe’s family and was illegally detained by the CCP, and his whereabouts have been unknown. Recently, Liu Shanqing's family told Du Jingming, a spokesman for the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" that Liu Shanqing had been "sentenced" by the CCP for ten years.
Liu Shanqing works as an engineer in Hong Kong. After he was illegally arrested by the CCP, he has been sinking into the sea without any news. Liu Jun's family went to Guangzhou many times to inquire about Liu Jun's whereabouts from the Guangzhou authorities of the Communist Party of China, but to no avail, not even the purpose of meeting Liu Shanqing. Liu Jun's classmates and friends specially formed a "rescue committee" to run for Liu Jun in Guangzhou and other places, but to no avail. The CCP arbitrarily detained a Hong Kong resident without declaring any "criminal charges". The detention lasted for more than a year. It was not until after a year and a half of illegal detention that news (not officially announced) came out that he had been "sentenced" for ten years. And this kind of "sentence" was conducted without publicity and without family members to observe.
Look at the lawlessness of the CCP and the abuse of human rights, to what extent! Liu Shanqing is a Hong Kong citizen. He entered the mainland according to proper procedures, but was arrested by the CCP. The CCP has never announced Liu Shanqing's "criminal"—if he is guilty, the "trial" will be conducted in secret. Contempt for the personal freedom of Hong Kong citizens.
Since there is no rule of law on the mainland, the CCP also fundamentally despises the rule of law in Hong Kong.
On the so-called "recovery of sovereignty" and "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong", the CCP has all the good things to say, but Liu Shanqing's experience and Liu Shanqing's example can provide very vivid and realistic answers for "recovering sovereignty" and "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong".
(March 31, 1983, "The Hong Kong Times" "Short Review")
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"Newspaper" "Editorial Review" The so-called "Liu Shanqing Incident"
"Newspaper" "Social Review"
An organization called the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" claimed that "a court official in Guangzhou recently confirmed that Liu Shanqing has been sentenced to 10 years in prison and is currently undergoing re-education through labor."
It is said that on December 25, 1981, Liu Shanqing went from Hong Kong to Guangzhou to visit the family members of the arrested "democracy activist" Wang Xizhe and He Qiu's family. Since then, Liu has "gone without a trace".
Earlier, many posters were posted on the streets of Hong Kong, in addition to exposing Liu Shanqing's "disappearance", and calling on the CCP authorities to "release" him to return to Hong Kong.
In a press conference on April 2, a spokesman for the committee said: "Guangzhou authorities are not allowed to disclose details of Liu Shanqing's formal charges and trial, and have refused Liu's father to visit his son."
CCP officials seem to have remained silent on the "Liu Shanqing Incident" referred to. Does it really matter? What are the facts or the facts of the case? Has he been convicted? Will it be another case of "injustice, falsehood, and wrongful conviction"? Or is there another reason why it is inconvenient to announce at this time? The CCP authorities are silent, inexplicable!
If a person is suspected of any crime in the country, such as supporting the anti-government "democracy movement", or conspiring to stir up political subversion, or acting as an anti-communist spy for the outside world, or engaging in other illegal acts, - for this kind of crime, The CCP government currently has certain judicial procedures, from investigation, prosecution, prosecution, interrogation, defense, adjudication, and even appeal, all of which should be handled openly in accordance with the law. In this way, why is there an unexplainable "Liu Shanqing Incident"? Why is it that the CCP official can't hear the "appeal" that appears overseas?
It should be pointed out that if Beijing would not hesitate to resort to secret punishment for a "Liu Shanqing", this would probably not have been surprising in the style of the Maoists before 1976; Not only is it not worth it to get involved in this, but it's completely unnecessary. Because doing so is tantamount to self-destruction of the current constitution and the rule of law system, and may thus damage the confidence of people at home and abroad in the CCP's oath to "act in accordance with the law." In our opinion, such an event is unlikely to happen in the This happened.
Xinhua News Agency, 4th of this month: Beijing announced today that it has cracked a spy case. The Public Security Bureau has transferred the evidence and three suspects in the case to the Beijing People's Procuratorate for public prosecution. From this point of view, there is no reason for the so-called "Liu Shanqing incident" to be disturbed. Like a prank?
We believe that any "democracy movement" that intends to oppose the government, or anyone who dares to commit any crime, must be dealt with in accordance with the law. Therefore, the Beijing government or local authorities should immediately investigate and publicly clarify the alleged "Liu Shanqing Incident", so that the CCP's prestige of the rule of law will not be suspected or misunderstood by anyone.
(New Paper, April 5, 1983)
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"October Review" Immediately release all dissidents in China!
("October Review" Issue No. 95/96, November/December 1984)
The October Review published an editorial on Dec. 31.
A large number of fighters engaged in the pro-democracy movement in China have been unreasonably imprisoned for nearly four years!
Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong resident, went to visit out of sympathy for the family of imprisoned Wang Xizhe, and was imprisoned for three years!
They are the victims of many wrongful convictions. They were not guilty of what the official called "counter-revolutionary" crimes. The officials were unable to produce conclusive evidence, and without an open and fair trial that allowed the defendants to answer freely, they were labeled politically and sentenced to 10 years or more in prison. . Although China has promulgated a batch of new laws, boasting that China is already implementing socialist democracy and the rule of law; but in the past five years, the legislators and enforcers have not acted according to the law, but still only acted according to the will of those in power; still the same as in the past In the same way, hating the people, grabbing pigtails, and hitting sticks!
In the eyes of the people at home and abroad, the authorities' actions have once again demonstrated their consistent behavior of ignoring the law and knowing the law and breaking the law.
Over the past few years, many just people overseas have publicly spoken out, arguing that the Chinese authorities should release all imprisoned dissidents and "political prisoners", such as Wei Jingsheng, Liu Qing, Wang Xizhe, He Qiu, Xu Wenli, and Liu Shanqing. This journal has repeatedly reiterated this claim.
Recently, the Student Union of the University of Hong Kong has written to the State Council of China, requesting the release of the dissidents who are currently in prison; the Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee and 13 social, worker, and student groups have also successively issued statements demanding the release of Liu Shanqing by the Chinese government. This is but one of many instances of the same kind; and the succession of these events also manifests
This proves the truth of our saying, "Justice is in the hearts of the people."
Today China is carrying out major reforms in the countryside and cities, allowing private workers to be exploited; at the same time, it is opening up and making great concessions to the foreign bourgeoisie. Such tolerant and preferential treatment of these forces that were once regarded as "class enemies" in the past. But some ordinary working people were so ruthlessly abused (for example, Wei Jingsheng was devastated to the point of mental breakdown). How can such an obvious contrast convince ordinary people?
What happened to domestic dissidents and Liu Shanqing is not only a matter of the victims themselves, but also a matter of Chinese people at home and abroad; because these people will be deprived of their rights, subjected to unreasonable persecution, and have no personal protection. , how can other people's democratic rights and personal freedom be guaranteed?
Therefore, the sincere speeches of those students, workers and social groups in Hong Kong today are not only speeches by prisoners such as Wei Jingsheng and Liu Shanqing, but are also striving for democracy and the interests of the people of the whole country (including Hong Kong people).
From this, it can be seen that the 13 groups of the Hong Kong University Students' Union and the Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee that demanded the release of Liu Shanqing, as well as many other people who have made the same effort, are doing extremely meaningful and valuable work that is beneficial and important to the whole Chinese people. is commendable.
We call on: groups and people in China, Hong Kong, and all over the world to issue a statement and support, and demand that the Chinese government release all political dissidents and "political prisoners" in captivity.
December 31, 1984
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Aftermath of the incident
Wang Tianjun, why don't you make a statement?
Wang Tianjun
A few days ago, I happened to meet a friend in the cafeteria of the Town Hall. When I talked about the election of the chairman of the Urban Council and the Liu Shanqing incident, I was deeply impressed by what my friend said. He said, "Why do those pressure groups and activists who claim to be striving for democratic participation in politics remain silent on Liu Shanqing's detention in the mainland for more than a year?" Will be a litmus test for these pressure groups and activists."
Asking himself, he has never directly connected these two aspects in the past, but my friend's opinion is very correct. There are two reasons: (1) This is an issue related to political and democratic rights. Whether they are mainland citizens, Chinese or foreigners born in Hong Kong or overseas, if they violate the law in China, they must have the right to a public trial. The importance of this fundamental political right is universally practiced today in all parts of the world (except where dictatorships are in power), and despite the overwhelmingly advantageous position of the wealthy and the manipulation of many legal aspects, the perpetrators of the above Basically, the right to a public trial is always guaranteed. It is also the foundation of any true rule of law. In the CCP, which clearly states in the national constitution that the rule of law is the basis for the rule of law in the country, one is to publish the charges related to Liu Shanqing's secret interrogation, Liu's own defense, official convictions and related documents in the shortest possible time. The secret handling of the case would constitute a great irony of China's rule of law. Liu Shanqing is a citizen born and educated in Hong Kong. His basic democratic rights have been violated in the mainland. He has been detained in the mainland for more than 15 months for no apparent reason. There are various grassroots pressure groups that claim to strive for the expansion of political democracy and democratic participation in politics. Is there any reason to avoid answering this incident? Can the accusations objectively made in this incident be ignored?
(2) This incident is directly linked to the solution of "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong" under the general trend of the current issue of Hong Kong's future. As a Hong Kong citizen, Liu Shanqing, regardless of whether he has done anything to stimulate or dissatisfaction with the CCP in the mainland, and whether or not he has committed illegal acts in China, the private trial of him directly reflects the CCP's "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong". "The democratic substance and content of the programme are highly questionable. Huang Xian, who was born in Hong Kong and obtained a doctorate in law from Harvard University in the United States, although he holds a green card with the right of abode in the United States, he also holds a British (Hong Kong) passport and entered the mainland with a home return permit, and was detained in "protective detention" "More than a year. To be honest, this is nothing but secret detention. Does anyone know if there is a trial? In its representation of the "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong" plan, the CCP has so far not made it clear that the Chariots will carry out extensive decolonization and political democratization. But it is precisely this road towards democratization that the mass-oriented pressure groups are striving for today, and it is not the way to look at long-term goals in isolation and fail to implement these propositions in real life. It's time to speak up.
("On the End of Taiping Mountain", "The Letter", April 23, 1982)
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Ai Fan China has a tomorrow
Ivan
In the past two weeks, Mr. Tongwen Huang Songming spent two days expressing his admiration for the 180-degree change in the view of the "1970s". More than ten years ago, it was the "1970s" that borrowed the mouths of foreigners to make China a paradise on earth. Described as "disgusting", the place is hotter than the eighteenth hell, and it is the same method. Some people euphemistically claim to be "re-acquainting" China, which is good, but we don't know when and when another "re-acquaintance", "re-acquaintance" and so on will come. Ugh! If you are a few decades old, if you have a simple mind and are deceived from time to time, you should have self-knowledge and don’t force yourself to be a thought mentor; You should deceive yourself again.
From heaven to hell
A person still has to see the direction clearly before he can point to others. Of course, mistakes are allowed, but one moment in heaven and another in hell is too much of a joke. If we let go of outdated filters of moralism and stop simply judging China as good and bad, is China still a developing country struggling to escape poverty? There are many strange and ugly things happening in China, but that developing country doesn't have these things? Is Hong Kong clean today? We can always criticize China's faults, just as we criticize Hong Kong's faults with great pain, but Hong Kong has never been hell, so it is not heaven today; in the same way, China has never been heaven, and she is not hell today. .
Some people do things that seem righteous and dignified on the outside, and we only need to see a little more clearly, and then we feel cold. Taking the Liu Shanqing incident as an example, Mr. Hu Juren has written articles for several days, and he sees that China is worthless, and his editor-in-chief "The Common People" even published a full-page advertisement to rescue Liu Shanqing. This advertisement is some of Liu Shanqing's enthusiastic friends. I have very little contact with the Trotskyites. I have friends who told me about it, and I also feel righteous. I do not avoid being mixed with the Trotskyists, and I am not even afraid that this advertisement will be published in some of my name. Among the newspapers that do not want to appear (the advertisement was originally intended to be published in the "Oriental Daily", but was rejected by the newspaper). However, Mr. Hu Juren, a gentleman, and the Trotskyites decided not to allow Ai Fan to make a revolution, thinking that "Ai Fan" was not his real name, and took my name. It's just publicized Trotskyites' "Yiding", "Xu Xing", etc. Isn't it still advertised under a pseudonym? What's more, such as "A Shui", "Sheng", etc., they are not even pen names, you see! What a Yue Buqun!
What a "revolutionary farce"
I advertised under the pseudonym "Ai Fan". The reason is very obvious. The name of a small businessman is nothing to be concerned about. "Ai Fan" is still a small columnist, but he goes into battle under "A Shui". How about your friend Liu Shanqing? Make a revolution by yourself, and in the end, it's not a stab in the back of Liu Shanqing! Moreover, Zhang San and Li Si posted an advertisement, which is a little playful. Stop being righteous with me! This dirty and cheap farce, thank you for letting me go!
Old culture talent is disgusting
From the above-mentioned incident, we can see why the younger generation who call themselves "people of the new culture" hated the people of the old culture and hated them, and wanted to separate from them. The so-called ideals of the people of the old culture are to deceive the innocent, pretty boys and girls. Their politics is really dirty. The "people of the new culture" were once deceived, so they are so cynical today. After you have visited the backstage of the performance, let's talk about how to know China.
Every baby grows up to a certain stage, they will play with their own sexual organs, and every child will take out their father's wallet. Of course parents should correct these inappropriate behaviors, but there is no need to make a fuss. In fact, in adults There are many similar things happening in society. The same is true for China's affairs. Ninety percent of the information on the "re-understanding" of China today comes from Chinese newspapers and periodicals. When your child tells you that he broke the window next door again, you have to scold him and appreciate it - he will tell you that he even thinks his behavior is inappropriate, but for various reasons, he does it again . From this point of view, your child is still saved.
Calling China worthless, seeing it as a doomsday, there is only one conclusion, that is to save yourself, immigrate to an apartment building, strive for Hong Kong to become an international common free city, and make excuses for breaking up with China, this is the old culture people club, "1997 They even brazenly claim that this is "nationalism". In fact, there is no right or wrong to leave or stay, so why stick to the mask of a righteous gentleman and have to turn China into hell?
my three views
I think the experts on China issues who read articles written by the People's Daily have misread China. What they see now are only elderly people over the age of 60 who are dying, but they don't know that China is the youngest country in the world, with a population larger than that of Hong Kong. To be young, about 50% of the population is under the age of 20. I don't know how this country is going. I only know that the "People's Daily" cannot give me the answer, and given the current social structure in China, no one really knows the answer, one of them.
Second, as Mr. Sun Longji said, the fate of Marxism in China will follow the mistakes of Buddhism. As the state religion, and to guide the people's every move consistently, it will prove unworkable and decline, but as a folk thought, Marxism may flourish in China.
Third, "everyone in the world knows that evil is evil, and it is not evil." China's future cannot be directly inferred from today's status quo. From a historical point of view, the United States and the Soviet Union are both in crisis. Today's star, Japan, Unsustainable stamina. China is not necessarily unable to catch up. Fifty years, one hundred years, our children and grandchildren will see the day when China becomes prosperous and strong.
(June 1982, "The Hong Kong Economic Journal", "With the Motherland in Mind and Eyes on the World")
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Inside Story of He Baoshan's Rescue of Liu Shanqing's Advertising Incident
Brother Evan:
I bought a letter by chance to read it, and I happened to see an article you wrote "China Has Tomorrow", which mentioned "the rescue of Liu Shanqing's advertisement", and I am also one of the sponsors of this advertisement, and I want to clarify the doubts. .
First of all, the initiators and enthusiastic promoters of this advertisement are Shan Qing friends and friends who were active in the social movement in the early stage, including Trotskyists, anarchists and individual "New Leftists"; why do you advertise Trotskyites like that?
Also, about your offer to be famous for your support. I remember one night (can't remember the date), a friend gave me a list with Ai Fan, Biqi, Xu Guanjie in it, he said that these three names must be published together, and it was also registered in the "Linkage" at that time. Signed" list, there is no problem.
But when he was in charge of contacting the editor of a newspaper and advertising matters, the editor said that someone had advertised in the newspaper in the past, and many people had signed up. Therefore, he asked all the more than 100 signatories of us to attach the number of the identity certificate, so as to be responsible, but this procedure is only the first step to consider whether to publish it, and he has not decided to publish it.
This request is impossible for us. Many friends who use pseudonyms do not want to reveal their true identities. Since they have provided financial support, and we know that there are real people, we hope to think of a way to get the best of both worlds.
In addition, before contributing to "The People", we (the three responsible persons) looked at the list again, and found that even though it is a pseudonym, it is also responsible, and we should not take the name of the person, so we looked at Ai Fan, Bi Qi, Xu Guanjie, We were asked to publish continuously but not in real time (I checked later and found out that Biqi and Xu Guanjie were both fake, and Ai Fan was real, so Ai Fan was listed on the signature column of a newspaper), the three of us They all feel that we must respect ourselves and others, and we should not force others to make things out of nothing. They are all superstars in today's film and music circles. Why should we make people laugh at them? Donation fee refunded. On the one hand, we avoid the trouble of impersonation when submitting the manuscript to a newspaper, and we never touch the light of "the emperor's superstar". Clearly, if there's any misunderstanding about the problem, it's the friend who gave me the list (he's not a Trotskyist, but I don't want to name him, he's a friend from the pre-70s) and our leader can't make a difference Just be clear about the responsibilities of the investigation.
Now a newspaper still refuses to publish it and asks for a price of 16,000 (half page), why do you not scold these merchants? Do you think they made a wise choice? Do you agree with their request? In your article Obviously you scolded the wrong person, maybe you didn't intend to investigate and research, but since you scolded us as worthless, you also have the responsibility to confess the fact. As the saying goes, scolding people must be justified!
Reader He Baoshan
June 6, 1982
[Editor of the Letter News Letter from He Baoshan Jun, slightly abridged in this newspaper)
"Letter from Readers"
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Ai Fan advertising aftermath
Ivan
Mr. Ho Po Shan:
Thanks for your letter.
The letter implied that I was related to Xu Guanjie and Bi Qi. In fact, Ai Fan only represents Ai Fan, Ai Fan is not responsible for the actions of anyone else, and it is not that you do not understand this, so you put my name on the advertisement that you plan to publish in a newspaper, if you You really respect the so-called "three names must be listed together" as you say, you won't do it at all.
Since you pay so much attention to "investigation and research", wouldn't it be against the principle to pick Ai Fan's name without doing research and research at the beginning? I even doubt that you have investigated whether Bi Qi and Xu Guanjie are really people. "Singing superstars" are known as Peach, the protagonist of "Pretty Girl" is also called Peach, and the same article "Central District Electric Man" is also called Peach. I know about a dozen or twenty of them. . In Hong Kong, there are probably tens of thousands. As for Xu Guanjie, this is also a very common name. You probably only see superstars in the music and movie circles in your eyes, but you don't know that there are people like Bi Qi, Xu Guanjie, etc. in the folk. "A Shui" is also quasi-revolutionary. In the advertisements, there are countless "impostors", and Biki and Xu Guanjie alone are not allowed. Hey, this is your mass line.
As far as I know, this advertisement was originally intended to be published in a certain newspaper and a certain magazine, while "People" is just an unapproved proposal. Now the first two have been rejected, and your "responsible person" has decided to publish it in "The People". The common people", this is probably another "vanguard party"-style democracy.
In fact, this time, I admire the professional and responsible attitude of the editor of a certain newspaper. Each signer must attach his or her ID card number or even a copy of his ID card to show the signer's responsible and serious attitude. In this way, if Bi Qi and Xu Guanjie really have no one, they will have nowhere to hide. And the newspaper itself, after doing so, also does not have to bear legal responsibility.
As for the price of 16,000 for a certain newspaper, I don't think it is worth scolding. It is you who chose to play this game, not forcing you. If you want to advertise, you will have to pay advertising fees, of course. Alas, from the Wu Zhongxian incident, you haven't learned the most obvious truth that revolution must pay a price. You are not angry that others will charge you money for advertising, and you even incite me to scold these "businesses". Since you despise the newspaper and "businesses" so much, why did you choose them to advertise in the first place? Your logic is really weird.
If a person does something wrong, if he does not have the courage and demeanor to admit his mistake publicly, he can also review it in private.
I wish you progress! (Because you guys are so outrageous.)
on Ai Fan
Again, you can see that The Letter is not "accidental", so why bother!
Postscript: Regarding the responsibility of supporting Liu Shanqing's advertisement for picking up my name, now someone has come forward to take it. I don't want to go into the truth any more. Since Mr. He said that this matter has nothing to do with Mr. Hu, all the accusations against Mr. Hu in this column last week have been retracted. I sincerely apologize to Mr. Hu for the trouble caused by this matter, but for being so reckless and unprofessional to Mr. Hu I still can't help but express my regrets about this ad.
(June 1982, "The Hong Kong Economic Journal", "With the Motherland in Mind and Eyes on the World")
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Wu Nanshan and Liu Shanqing incident
Wu Nanshan
Hong Kong youth Liu Shanqing spared no effort in supporting the pro-democracy movement. At the end of last year, he ventured to Guangzhou to visit Wang Xizhe's home. He was arrested and imprisoned and has not seen the light of day. In terms of people, Liu Shanqing dared to go against the current and devoted himself generously to the future of China. At least he has become a righteous man of the democracy movement, and has become the first and most respectable role model since the Hong Kong student movement. Although, regarding the trip to Guangzhou, Liu Shanqing was indeed a little unwise during the CCP's severe suppression of the pro-democracy movement. But is it reasonable for Beijing authorities to detain Liu Shanqing? Is detention at a minimum under the express criminal law? People who are a little more fair will probably feel that right and wrong are clear.
Given this indisputable point, Liu Shanqing's relatives and friends in Hong Kong, enthusiasts of the student movement and socialist movement, and intellectuals known as "social conscience" should vigorously denounce the Beijing authorities and demand Liu Shanqing's release. Although under the current situation, in the face of such a regime that wants to eradicate the pro-democracy movement, even if it does well in supporting the rescue movement, the temporary effect may not be great. It's just that although the situation seems to be stronger than people today, it is still important to do your best. As a result, it is rare for any movement to change from a small to a large, from a positive social minority to a social majority with real social influence when the objective situation changes to favorable conditions. Seeing its small size and not knowing that Rome was not built in a day, relegated to a bystander, there will never be a huge movement for no reason. It doesn't mean that any social movement is "a single spark can start a prairie fire", but it means that without a spark, it will never start a prairie fire.
Secondly, as for intellectuals, old and new intellectuals, progressives or revolutionaries who are supposed to be responsible for the society, Liu Shanqing has suffered because of his democratic request, and the Beijing authorities have used force to suppress him, and openly stand To speak for Liu Shanqing, to criticize the injustice of the Beijing authorities, should be understood as a matter of duty. Otherwise, one is talking about the conscience of heaven and earth and social justice, but on the other hand, it does not see the powers doing evil. They are either blind, insensitive, or hypocrites who do not even deserve to be cast aside. What is involved here is not only a question of attitude, but a more important personal principle, whether the name and the real are consistent, and whether the words and deeds are consistent.
Third, supporting the rescue of Liu Shanqing will at least play an educational role in the general public. The issue pointed out is that the rule of the CCP is not tolerated today, and it will not tolerate democracy tomorrow. Today, even those who advocate democratic reforms have been arrested, and even Liu Shanqing, who supports the democratic movement, has been imprisoned. To say that the CCP bureaucracy will bring China's future is a fart.
Conversely, for China to have a future, the necessary condition is for the people to understand that the current rulers stand on the opposite side of democracy, and that real democratic reform will be possible only after the people generally understand that bureaucracy will not bring democracy.
Having said that, as soon as the rescue of Liu Shanqing started, a series of unexpected disturbances started. Although the storm is not big, there is still a need to talk.
[One of the Liu Shanqing incidents]
("On the End of Taiping Mountain", "The Hong Kong Economic Journal", June 1982)
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Wu Nanshan, Mr. Ai Fan's "grievances"
Wu Nanshan
Ai Fan's name did not appear in the joint open letter to the Beijing authorities demanding fair treatment of Liu Shanqing published in the "People" magazine in early June. In fact, no one did it in secret, it was just a misunderstanding. The misunderstanding was originally a trivial matter, but now Ai Fan took this as a pretext, slapped Tuo to the left and swiped the palm of Hu Juren to the right, so that the facts could not be made public, and the whole story could not be made public for the sake of public opinion. Thanks to the tireless explanation of the staff of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee", and the evidence of Mo Zhaoru, it turned out to be like this—
"During the process of soliciting signatories for the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee", three names were handed over from a friend of "70s" Tang Mou, "remarkably" Xu Guanjie, Bi Qi and Ai Fan, and they claimed that " The committee" either completely rejects these three names, or completely accepts them. This is a very strange thing, because the principle of the "committee" is that as long as they agree to the open letter and are willing to raise a donation of 50 yuan or more for the advertisement to publish the open letter, no matter whether the other party is a well-known person or a small person, they will all accept it. . Later, it was found that Xu Guanjie and Bi Qi were both impostors, so they refused to accept the three names. "So the initiator is clearly this Tang. Although the "committee" did not carefully check whether Ai Fan, who they did not know, agreed to sign the joint signature due to time constraints, and whether they also asked to co-sign with the other two impostors as a condition (of course, I believe that Ai Fan would never put forward such a condition) Bear a small part of the responsibility, but it is not unforgivable, but Ai Fan is indiscriminate, shouting that the Trotskyites and Hu Ju people have done dirty hands and feet, and Ai Fan is not allowed to "revolution", which cannot but be called people Sigh again. As for why Ai Fan thinks this way, why is he so certain to criticize his words, whether it is because he misheard what the traitor said, or whether he is trying to save others' hearts with his own belly, and now what should I do if I scold the wrong person, I don't want to say more, so I have no choice but to Wait and see. Anyway, it's gratifying if Ai Fan knows his mistakes and can correct them, otherwise it's not necessarily a pity. Society will not progress because of one person, nor will it perish without one person.
The bigger problem is that literati must be self-disciplined and must maintain a minimum objective attitude. Although the same facts can have different interpretations, at least they should know the facts, respect the facts, and base them on the facts. Stalin-style and CCP-style deliberately distorting or obliterating the facts is certainly not enough, and the indiscriminate abuse of mad women is even more cultural rubbish. It's also an act of disrespect. On this issue, even "people of the new culture" have to be a little bit "moralistic".
Now that the era of Ah Q is over, no one, whether Ai Fan or anyone else, is forbidding you to go to revolution, and no one forbids you to go counter-revolutionary. Whether literati is willing to self-discipline, it is all at their own discretion, but the eyes of the masses are not always sharp, and they may not always be blind.
[Liu Shanqing Incident Part 2]
("On the End of Taiping Mountain", "The Letter", June 15, 1982)
Wu Nanshan
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Wu Nanshan, the leader of Hu Ju people
Wu Nanshan
Ai Fan sarcastically called Hu Juren a "sage gentleman", and falsely accused Hu Juren of not allowing him to "revolution" out of nowhere, which made me worthless for him. In the past ten years or so, Hu Juren has attracted a lot of unfair criticism. During the period when he was actively inclined towards social movements, he was scolded as a "new left reptile"; in the frenzy of following the gang of four that almost everyone hates today, he was blatantly called a "reservoir dog" and beaten with big sticks. , even in today's "old and new cultural man" debate, he is still going to be the target of the public. This cannot but make me want to say a few words of justice for him. First of all, I have to declare that I am not a person of the old culture, nor do I want to call myself a person of the new culture. Second, I didn't come because Hu Juren was my friend. I met Hu Juren and Ai Fan in 1969 in the same year. Both I regard as friends. In terms of friendship in the early years, I had a deep relationship with Hu Juren, but in the past six or seven years, I have only met Hu Juren on both sides, so I have more opportunities to contact Ai Fan. In terms of ideology, I am very far away from Hu Ju and Ai Fan, so I don't think I will be biased. The first thing I want to point out is that Hu Juren was the initiator of the youth student movement in the 1960s. Together with Lin Yueheng, Wen Lou, Zhong Huanan, Bao Cuoshi and others, he founded "Pangu" and "Founded Society". He encouraged young students to run from the ivory tower to the cross streets. He opposed the Vietnam War from a stand against imperialism. the status of the person. It was later that Hu Juren became a heinous reactionary, and this status, this kind of contribution, had to be recognized outright.
Secondly, as far as I know and see, Hu Ju people's support and enthusiasm for social movements is that among the "new cultural people", there are quite a few people who can be trusted. In the early years, the Hu Ju people were willing to risk arrest to participate in the "illegal" "guarantee fishing" demonstration. This is a rare and precious example among the "old culture people". In the Golden Jubilee incident, he also stood up. In this Liu Shanqing incident, Hu Juren's performance is many times better than many self-proclaimed "progressive elements" I have seen and heard. In his column, he does take facts on a case-by-case basis, and believes that the request made in the open letter is indeed the minimum moderate request that is reasonable and legal, so he readily adds his name. He did not care about who Liu Shanqing was, whether he was a Trotskyite or a non-Trotskyist, nor who the "Committee" was, whether there were any suspicious elements, and whether they would be "used" by others! As far as Ai Fan is concerned, if Liu Shanqing was a It's a Trotskyist, and his attitude is probably about to change. It seems that right and wrong are not judged by facts, but from the political standpoint of the parties involved. It seems that some people can enjoy human rights, but some people have to be deprived of their basic rights. People's political ideology! This kind of argument that does not distinguish between personnel and affairs, the use of the word "old" is still too much for the old man. Whether the current Hu Ju people are progressive or revolutionary is another question entirely, but in terms of people, Hu Ju people's character is more noble than many people who curse him indiscriminately, I have no doubts.
Composition "The 1970s, should be the 1970s" error.
[Liu Shanqing Incident No. 3] "On the Taiping Mountain", "The Hong Kong Economic Journal" on June 16, 1982
Wu Nanshan's Commentary on the Shortness of "The Seventies"
The Letter
Wu Zhongxian's "Comment on the Shortness of "The Seventies"
The "70s" monthly magazine categorically refused to publish the open letter on the Liu Shanqing incident. This is a very strange and unfortunate thing. Strangely, the "1970s" seem to have done their best to support the pro-democracy movement in recent years, but unfortunately the movement to rescue Liu Shanqing lacked the support of the "1970s", and its influence has been weakened.
Since I happened to be the introducer of Chairman Feng and editor Wu Moran and the head of the "Committee" in the 1970s, I was with the last seat, so I had the chance to hear the reason for the rejection.
It turned out that the "70s" thought that the Liu Shanqing incident was a "complex" political incident. According to my incompetent understanding, the "complicated" people were not sure whether Liu Shanqing was a Trotskyist or not. As for the other reasons, in my opinion, they are all excuses. On this issue, "the 1970s" is the same as Ai Fan, and if what I have heard is true, the attitude of the student council presidents of the two universities is also the same.
Liu Shanqing is a Trotskyist and should not support this attitude is wrong.
The reason why we support the democratic movement is that China should realize socialist democracy. This kind of democracy implemented at the individual level means that people have freedom of thought, freedom of association, publication, and political party formation. Thinking cannot be taken as a crime, otherwise, noble gentlemen, if Liu Shanqing is a Trotskyite, according to your standards, the CCP bureaucrats should be allowed to fish and meat. The CCP bureaucrats are not using the same logic to judge the pro-democracy movement by their standards. Is Molecular Democratic Thought Guilty for Repression? Do you agree with this logic, or do you fight the bureaucracy with the logic of the innocence of thought?
What Liu Shanqing has done in China, you can imagine the most complicated places, but don't you agree that there should be a public interrogation? If you think that because Liu Shanqing is a Trotskyist, you can save these red tapes, the CCP bureaucracy does not use the same reason to think that the pro-democracy movement is a counter-revolution, so you can secretly imprison and convict and save the same red tape.
The enemy's weapons can be used by oneself, but using the enemy's ideological weapons will only dismantle oneself, so that one will either surrender or fail. This is an unchanging historical lesson. Ironically, if you insist on this attitude and move the "1970s" into China, you may be in conflict with the democratic movement again. In a fairly closed environment, the Beijing pro-democracy movement has learned a lesson after the Wei Jingsheng incident. Wei Jingsheng should be defended because the suppression is unreasonable, even though Wei Jingsheng is against socialism! Even the pro-Soviet civilian magazine "Beijing Youth" and pro-democracy activists believe that their right to exist and not be suppressed by the authorities should be guaranteed, because misunderstandings can be corrected, thinking itself is innocent, and publishing associations is a basic democratic right.
Ironically, as far as I know, at least a few imprisoned activists in the pro-democracy movement have expressed support for the Trotskyists. Don't you include them when you make a statement in support of the pro-democracy activists?
Everything is done consistently, right and wrong.
[Liu Shanqing Incident No. 4]. On the Taiping Mountain Wu Nanshan
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Wu Nanshan Ai Liu Shanqing
Wu Nanshan
In August, I was very sad to see the public statement of 261 people signed by their real names in the "Zhengming" magazine in support of Wang Xizhe and He Qiu, well-known fighters of the Chinese democracy movement. Because only 37 people signed the open letter in support of Liu Shanqing published in the Express on July 28, and only 32 of them published their real names. Trying to sign up to support Liu Shanqing's day lengthening, and asking for support for the king, He's time was short, and the difference was even bigger in comparison. In terms of publishing this different open letter, Liu Shanqing's copy was only accepted as an advertisement by the fortnightly magazine "The Common People", while "The Seventies" refused to publish it, and the daily newspapers also faced many difficulties. On the contrary, if they expressed solidarity with Wang and He, Common People, Contention, and Seventies were all willing to draw their swords to help. If Liu Shanqing in prison knew about this, I believe that there would be something in his heart. Even if Wang Xizhe and He Qiu, who are close friends with Liu Shanqing, learned about this, they would definitely be worthless for Liu Shanqing.
But who is to blame? After thinking about it, the first person to blame is Liu Shanqing himself. There are thousands of mistakes. Liu Shanqing is only wrong in two points. First, Liu Shanqing's popularity in Hong Kong's student circles, cultural circles, academia and society is too small. He probably didn't fully understand that in today's society, the star system has actually penetrated into every level and field of society. Wei Jingsheng, who used to be well-known in the past, was arrested and imprisoned, and the voices of overseas support poured in. However, when the unknown overseas Chuan Yuehua and the head of the "China Human Rights Alliance" were arrested, the support was sporadically lost. language. It is the spirit of the star system to be afraid to be left behind in the response to the famous, and to be ahead in the response to the unknown. History and glory are always the private property of famous people. Liu Shanqing's second mistake was to learn more or less the image of "Trotskyism". What is a "Trophy"? I am afraid that many people have heard its name, but very few people know the truth. However, since the "Trotskaya" is regarded as a monstrous beast in China, the leftists here have attacked with all their strength, and at the same time, they are not welcomed by the government at the top and are not accepted by the "pressure groups" at the bottom, so it is natural to keep a distance. When thousands of people point to it, the current social mentality prefers to believe what it has, not to believe it does not, and the truth is left to historians to distinguish. Therefore, Liu Shanqing's human rights are under pressure, and there is a 20% discount on the places worthy of solidarity with the appeal.
The second thing to blame is the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee". It's wrong in two places. First, because Liu Shanqing is not well-known, the members of this committee are not star groups from all walks of life, so their appeal is naturally weak, and the box office record is of course not as ideal. The second is that the committee allowed supporters to sign under false names from the beginning. In fact, either they were not supporting others, and if they wanted to support them, they had to stand up. Otherwise, from Liu Shanqing's point of view, it would be timid and weak, and to the Chinese authorities, it would be a weak and unconcerned opposition. Moreover, if even the promoters are using fake names to show the public, how can they get others to sacrifice their lives under their real names?
As for those progressives who think they have a long way to go and want to hide their real names strategically, they might as well go underground completely.
(August 5, 1982, "On the End of Taiping Mountain" in The Hong Kong Economic Journal)
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Letter to Mo Zhaoru from the Hong Kong University Student Union
Dear Sirs
We would like to express our deepest gratitude to you for your presence on April 7 to perform a "street drama" and to screen the video for the "Luncheon Lecture" on the "Chinese Democracy Movement" organized by the Association.
On that day, you were distributing leaflets and books in the school. Because it was not approved by the Central Committee of the Student Union, it violated the House Rules of the Student Union. Therefore, the relevant officers of the Student Union stepped forward to stop it. The Student Union's move was to implement the House Rules, not to you and others. hostility. Your Excellency, please forgive me.
Most of the students were dissatisfied with the personal attacks, foul language and hostility towards the student union that appeared in the words during the performance. , this Council also thinks that your waiting for this move is a bit excessive, and deeply regrets it.
We hereby apologize for the confusion caused by our negligence this time!
Sincerely,
Mr. Mo Zhaoru
Hong Kong University Students' Union National Affairs Association
Yours sincerely
April 15, 1983
===
The People's Drama Society deeply regrets
People's Drama Club
The reason why street opera is attractive is that it can often break the separation between the actors and the audience. It turns out that the audience can become active performances and participants in the end. The attraction of street theater is that it often removes the boundaries between acting and real life, and acting has become a medium for direct intervention and influence on life.
As far as we are concerned, the performance outside the University of Hong Kong Library at noon on April 7 has not ended. Afterwards, the students' responses, the big-character poster, the statement of the State Affairs Association, the meeting and discussion of the student council, the students of the State Affairs Institute asked the reporter from the New Daily News. Handing over the film negatives, asking us to take 50 feet 16 mm film film for printing, requesting the live recording of the day, and even causing a classmate to withdraw from the student union street theater performance after a week at Chinese University... This Everything can be regarded as a continuation of the performance at noon on April 7, but of course, we have evolved from acting to real life, and many people who originally came to watch have come to the center of the stage!
X X X
It seems that some classmates are dissatisfied with our performance form—or, in other words, some students are not used to the "performance" of street theater. Our "performance" seems to have surprised and overwhelmed some students.
We do not know whether the frightened and overwhelmed classmates are a small group or a large number. After the performance, we met a lot of classmates—some classmates came to congratulate us, some classmates thought it was fun, and a classmate who seemed to be your drama club asked us to talk...
To be honest, the purpose of our proposal to the National Affairs Institute to cancel the speech conference and use the form of street theater is not to surprise or overwhelm the students, but to believe that the repercussions that street theater can evoke is greater than that of a speech conference. From an intellectual point of view, a lecture is an efficient, fast and appropriate method. Students attend the lecture and get some information and analysis, which saves him the trouble of reading books; however, after listening to it, he may be indifferent. We don’t want another academic lecture as usual. We think that the way of street drama is more emotional and can make students feel a little emotional, so they can read some books and periodicals about the democratic movement on their own initiative and participate in support. The ranks of China's democratic movement - this is of course a subjective wish, whether this is the case or not, of course, must be reviewed after the fact.
For the above reasons, and also because of our great interest in the mix of theatre, music and tape recorders, we are happy to use many, many times more manpower and time to prepare this street show than simply preparing a lecture. The French TV video we showed that day was seen by the students of the State Affairs Society. We were going to use drama and music to perform with the tape, and the students in charge knew it. It's true that the students of the State Affairs Society have not read our script, and they did not ask for it. At the same time, the script and program of the entire performance were officially decided late at night the night before the performance. Besides, we have never heard of a university speech/voice that needs to be pre-checked! We must also pay attention to the performance art of street theater, that is, the ingredients are quite heavy!
We're not going to go into more detail here about how we tried to match the images, actions, and descriptions, but students may remember that when the images showed Chinese college students learning Chinese, we played a part of learning English. It is said that some students are very dissatisfied with the two or three "swear words" in English and French (such as Bloody, FUCKING, etc.) in this section. We have nothing to say about these dissatisfactions. When I was invited to perform "Turn Over" in the student union hall (we also had members participating in the performance at that time), there were words such as beating X to die and X's mother in the dialogue. The Hong Kong Repertory Theatre often also uses foul language when performing in the City Hall. If any of the students have seen the recent performance of the opera "The Journey of the Urchin" by the British Children's Music Theatre, they can notice that this play is suitable for people aged nine to eighty years old, full of words such as BASTARD, SHITTY, PISSPOT, etc.). Students may also remember that when Chuan Yuehua and Wei Jingsheng were tried in the video, we tried to read out some of the answers in the courtroom, and students should also note that we distributed printed materials twice in the play, once for " The book "Revolutionary Growth" and the flyer "Rescue Liu Shanqing" were all displayed on the Democracy Wall along with the TV screen for sale!
X X X
It is said that the most dissatisfaction of some students is that we broke the "internal rules" and distributed publications/leaflets without the permission of the student union. First, let’s talk about whether we broke the “internal code” – students may remember one of the scenes, the idea was that one of the actors put up posters of Wang Xizhe, He Qiu, and Liu Shanqing near the performance area, and played the dictator/bureaucrat The actors of the show ripped and ripped the posters one by one—the symbolism and meaning of this scene are so obvious. But what is interesting is that during the performance of this play, Li Jun, the chairman of the State Affairs Society, was very enthusiastic about distributing and passing the posters on the table to other students-that is to say, these posters were distributed by us unintentionally; the distributor was a Classmates, he turned from an audience into a performer!
However, we did the other two handing out the leaflets of the printed materials "The Growth of the Revolution" and "Rescue Liu Shanqing". As we said, it was in line with the pictures that appeared on TV. The three articles "The Growth of the Revolution" were all published in the publications of the University of Hong Kong, explaining our understanding of the Cultural Revolution. The flyer for "Rescue Liu Shanqing" is about your Hong Kong University alumnus Liu Shanqing who was sentenced to ten years in prison for supporting pro-democracy activists. Both prints are closely related to the theme of street drama. Therefore, a student council officer made a final statement at the end of the street drama that the move to distribute two prints is allowed and is part of the street drama!
Some classmates thought that we knew there was a so-called "internal code", so they thought we were sabotaging, because we had performed a street show on the red brick ladder more than a year ago, and we had also sabotaged the "No random distribution of flyers/prints". "This internal code!
So let us tell you how we make sense of the red brick ladder incident more than a year ago.
At that time, the Hong Kong University Film Association invited us to perform the street play "1984/1997" on the red brick ladder. At the end of the play, we distributed some books, mainly Kropotkin's book, "Bread and Freedom" translated by Ba Jin to classmates. Welcome to college students), but in a flash, we found that someone had taken the book, so we asked the recipient to identify his identity, but after many requests, no one came forward to explain the matter of accepting the book. Later, we learned that the person in charge of the student union who received the book turned out to be more intent on obstructing our performance at the Polytechnic Institute!
Our books were confiscated without explanation, and there was no written explanation afterward. It also prevented us from performing at other post-secondary colleges. We were deeply impressed by the bureaucracy of the University of Hong Kong Student Union. This makes people feel that the bureaucrats of the student union are a bit like the officials who suppress the pro-democracy movement in China.
So this time I came here at the invitation of the National Affairs Society, and there are two episodes in the play that cooperate with the images of the pro-democracy activists selling civilian magazines and distribute printed publications. Although we know that the student union has changed officers, we are still mentally prepared for possible suffering. interference. Regardless of whether there is interference or not, we will replay the audio clip of the last Red Brick Ladder performance after sending out the "Rescue Liu Shanqing" flyer. The habit of friends), on the one hand, it aggravates the dramatic effect, and on the other hand, it reminds the students of the bureaucracy of the previous student union.
Unfortunately, when we distributed the "Rescue Liu Shanqing" leaflet, some classmates really interfered in the name of the student union (it was mistaken for the State Affairs Society at the beginning) to prohibit us from continuing to distribute the leaflet. Our immediate response was to continue the show and distribute the leaflet. Continue to send, playing the dictator/bureaucrat/repressor and ordered the classmates not to take those flyers because it is forbidden, and later the tapes released the last time the red brick ladder was about receiving books, and about the same time , the TV screen suddenly disappeared. This series of events may have caused a lot of misunderstandings. As President Li of the State Affairs Association said (although we don't understand why), the live recording of the book he received last time destroyed his trust in us. As for the sudden disappearance of the TV screen, it also triggered a small hostility towards the students who were in charge of the operation of the TV (however, the students of the State Affairs Association later pointed out that no one was seen interfering with the electric switch) The TV screen disappeared for a short period of time. Time, we still arranged to perform a section of "Liu Shanqing" as originally scheduled!
X X X
Another point that was criticized by some students was that some of us made movies and recorded live while performing street operas.
The students seem to be reluctant to accept some simple facts - a group of people performing a play, eager to record their performance, but it is human nature, sometimes people use hard photos, sometimes VIDEO, and sometimes movies. Some time ago your drama club performed "Grey Orchid in the Caucasus" at Tsuen Wan Town Hall, wasn't someone making a movie?
As for the recording, isn't it very common for lectures in post-secondary colleges? In the past few years, we have attended symposiums in the tertiary sector as speakers, and the students who hosted the lectures often recorded their speeches and discussions!
We filmed and recorded street dramas, may we have broken the "internal rules" of the student union? But if there is such a code, you don't expect others to know unless you specifically notify it! Yes, the day before (April 6), students from the State Affairs Society and the Student Union reenacted the 1976 Beijing Tiananmen "Great Riot" on the red brick ladder. We were asked to be present to shoot a documentary, but they were refused (first, the State Affairs Society agreed to do so). , followed by the Student Council’s veto). But the next day we were filming our own performance! Of course, we learned that during the filming process, some classmates might be caught on camera and they were reluctant to appear. When a female secretary of the student union asked us to get the film to develop, we quickly reached an agreement, we are willing to In cooperation with the National Affairs Society/Student Union, it was decided to delete some scenes that may affect the classmates, and at the same time, the film was immediately handed over to the National Affairs Society for development.
X X X
Students do not need to speculate about our political background. In the preface to the book "The Growth of the Revolution," we said that we don't have a large organization, we come together, work together, and accomplish something revolutionary that cannot be done individually. That's why several of us worked together to perform street dramas in support of the Chinese democracy movement. Supporting the pro-democracy movement and striving to release the arrested pro-democracy activists, street theatre is just one of the methods, a method that may not be very effective. We can only say that we have tried our best, and we hope that there will be more People, do your best!
April 18, 1983
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Huang Guohua, "The Liu Shanqing Case is Still Undecided"
Huang Guohua wrote an article in Time News in May.
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Huang Guohua's "Exclusive News Report of This Magazine, Liu Shanqing's Case Is Still Undecided"
(Time News, May 14, 1983 feature)
Hong Kong youth Liu Shanqing was arrested in mainland China, and the case remains unsolved.
According to the information obtained by this magazine, although the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court has sentenced Liu Shanqing to 10 years in prison, the sentence has not been formally pronounced, so it can be said that the sentence has not yet officially entered into force.
Liu Shanqing is still detained at Huanghua Correctional Institution.
This magazine has received a well-informed message from Guangzhou high-level officials that the documents related to Liu Shanqing's case have been passed to the Beijing Supreme People's Court by leapfrogging, and the central government will review it and make a detailed review.
Four counter-revolutionary crimes
Liu Shanqing was charged with four counts of counter-revolutionary charges, and initially, as is customary, he was tried at the Intermediate People's Court in the place where he was arrested. According to the practice of judicial procedures in mainland China, the review of relevant documents should be handed over to the Higher People's Court of Guangdong Province first, but now it is directly submitted to Beijing, which shows that the Ministry of Law Enforcement and Judiciary of China believes that this case cannot be handled in a normal way.
The magazine also received exclusive information, revealing that Liu Shanqing was charged with four counts. The articles and testimonials are supported as follows:
(1) Organizing and leading counter-revolutionary groups. Violation of Article 98 of the Criminal Code. The testimonial supports that Liu Shanqing is an active instigator of the "Communist League". The "Communist League" is an organization of a group of activists in the pro-democracy movement and underground journals in China, and some Hong Kong residents also participate.
(2) Spying on intelligence for the enemy, violating Article 97 of the Criminal Law. The testimonials support that Liu Shanqing once asked Wang Xizhe and He Qiu's family members to spy on the recent situation of the two in prison, believed to be serving the "Trotskyites", the enemy of Hong Kong.
(3) Distributing counter-revolutionary slogans, leaflets, and publications for the purpose of counter-revolution, propaganda and incitement to overthrow the regime and the socialist system of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Violation of Article 102 of the Criminal Code. In support of the testimonies, Liu Shanqing's luggage contained publications and leaflets of the Hong Kong Trotskyists, which were available for distribution.
(4) Conspiracy to subvert the government and split the country, in violation of Article 92 of the Criminal Law. In support of the allegation, Liu Shanqing visited the families of Wang Xizhe and He Qiu and gave cash in an attempt to engage in a series of activities.
The well-informed information received by this magazine also revealed that during the entire interrogation process, Liu Shanqing did not say a word, did not reply, and did not confess. The Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court would appoint a lawyer to defend him, but he refused to accept legal aid.
Anti-Spy Section Execution
Since the four crimes are all counter-revolutionary charges, according to Article 111 of the Criminal Procedure Law, the trial may not be open to the public; but according to Article 121 of the Criminal Procedure Law, all judgments should be made public. So far, the Liu Shanqing case has not yet been publicly announced, so technically speaking, the trial of the first procedure has not yet ended.
The well-informed source also said that the arrest of Liu Shanqing at the end of 1981 was not a member of the Public Security Bureau, but the Anti-Spy Section of the Central Intelligence Group of the Communist Party of China.
The Anti-Spy Section is an organization directly under the central government. It is not under the jurisdiction of provincial and local government agencies, and even the Public Security Bureau does not know the process of their actions. However, this magazine has learned that when Liu Shanqing was arrested, the Anti-Spy Section informed the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau.
Since it was not handled by the Public Security Bureau, the procedures for applying to visit the defendant were not handled by the Public Security Bureau, and the Anti-Spy Section was also unable to handle these procedures due to its own limitations. Therefore, even though Liu Shanqing's father had applied to the Public Security Bureau for a visit, the result was a wall.
According to information received by this magazine, the procedures for visiting Liu Shanqing are handled by the court. However, the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau did not want anyone to visit Liu Shanqing, so it did not take the initiative to provide this information to the Liu family.
An official close to a senior official in Guangdong Province said that they were fully aware of the details of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" in Hong Kong, and they believed that there were "Trotskyists" in the "Ying Liu Association". The official said that the "Ying Liu Hui" would spread the case of Liu Shanqing to make it impossible for Hong Kong people to return to the country, which is intolerable; but he added that if the "Ying Liu Hui" members returned to China On the mainland, as long as they do not engage in subversive activities, they will not be arrested.
"Ying Liuhui" rebutted
In Hong Kong, a spokesman for the "Ying Liu Club" said the four charges that the Chinese Communist Party had made were untenable.
The spokesman said that the "Common League" was an active organization in 1980. After the leaders of various pro-democracy movements were successively imprisoned in 1981, they have ceased to be active, so the first charge cannot be established.
As for Articles 2 and 3, they both involve "Trotskyists", but the spokesman said that Liu Shanqing was only friendly to the "Trotskyists" and did not join the party.
Regarding Article 4, the spokesperson believes that Liu Shanqing's gift to the Wang and He families is just out of concern and cannot constitute a crime. When Liu Shanqing went north, the main purpose was to visit the two families, to greet and comfort them.
Amnesty International has designated Liu Shanqing as a "prisoner of conscience" and calls on people around the world to send letters to Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang or Minister of Public Security Zhao Cangbi before the 25th of this month, requesting Liu Shanqing's release. 』
Ying Liuhui to Time Magazine
To Time News
The issue of your journal published on May 14, 1983 contained the article "The Case of Liu Shanqing is Still Undecided", which involved the association, which was found to be inconsistent with the facts. It is hereby clarified as follows, and your journal is requested to publish it as soon as possible:
(1) The Committee for Rescuing Liu Shanqing has not made any statement or statement to your magazine or other magazines or newspapers on the issue of the "four counts" in the Liu Shanqing case;
(2) The Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee has never received any inquiries from your magazine, nor has it accepted any interviews. Therefore, all the "rebuttals" of the spokesperson of the Association in this article are absolutely not true.
Finally, regarding the "Four Charges" reported by your magazine, according to our knowledge, the Chinese government has not confirmed the rumors about the convictions of the Four Charges through official channels. Therefore, we do not intend to comment on the relevant reports in your magazine above. . this wish
Edit Ann!
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
July 4, 1983
Time News We report the facts
Time News Editor
Everyone in this magazine was surprised to receive the letter from the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee".
At first, we doubted the authenticity of the letter, because the letter was not signed by the person in charge, there was no contact person's name, only a very simple and vague offset stamp, and the envelope and letter paper of the letter were rough offset printing.
Therefore, our reporter contacted a person who held a press conference as a member of the "Ying Liu Club". This person said that he wrote the letter and was not forged by someone other than the "Ying Liu Club". There is no signature of the person in charge and no contact name as there is no one in their organization with these responsibilities.
The person claimed to be not a spokesperson, and he also knew that the fourth issue of this magazine contained a rebuttal about the "Ying Liu Association". But the person argued that the members interviewed by this magazine were not speakers.
In fact, the member of the "Ying Liu Club" interviewed by this magazine will meet with the press several times as a spokesperson. When this magazine published "The Case of Liu Shanqing is Still Undecided" in the fourth issue, the photo of Liu Shanqing listed was also provided by this member.
Therefore, the claim in this letter that "the Committee for the Rescue of Liu Shanqing has not received any inquiries from your magazine and has not been interviewed", this magazine believes that it is absolutely not true.
The four crimes reported by this magazine are actually extremely classified information, so it is not surprising that anyone, including the "Ying Liu Hui", cannot obtain confirmation from other official or unofficial channels.
Our reporter has never asked the "Ying Liu Association" to confirm the news of the four counts. In fact, the association has no way to confirm it in other ways. When this magazine interviewed the spokesperson of the association on the same day, it had clearly stated that the magazine had received news of the four charges, and hoped that the spokesperson would comment on the possibility of conclusive evidence for the four charges; The fourth issue will be reported.
Is the "clarification" of the "Ying Liu Club" to clarify that the member who was interviewed by this magazine that day was no longer a spokesperson at that time, or to deny the comment made by the spokesperson? This journal hopes that the meeting will make it clear.
What we report is the truth.
July 23, 1983
Time News
A member of Ying Liu Huiyi to the editorial department of "Times News"
Member of Camp Liu Hui
You published the article "We Report Facts" on page 55 of the ninth issue of your journal. There are inconsistencies between the facts and my own. Please clarify. The third paragraph of the article says: "This person said that the document was written by him..." This statement is wrong, "the letter was not written by myself" is the truth. I have repeatedly repeated this statement to Liu Junhua Jun, and he is the one who listened to it. wrong? Or did the editor in charge make a mistake?
The fourth paragraph of the article says: "...and the recording is correct..." I have never made this statement. The tone of this remark implies that I had seen (or knew) Huang Guohua Jun at the scene that he recorded (?) the so-called "rebuttal" of the so-called spokesperson with a transcript (?) or a tape recorder? There is absolutely no such thing, don't make An Bai make it.
I have had many conversations with Liu Jun, and most of my friends gossip and chat. Regarding the "camp Liuhui" matter, I only declare that I would like to confirm that the letter I sent is true, and all other matters should not be published without consent. At present, Liu Jun took the interview as an interview activity and provided inaccurate information without authorization, thus misleading the readers. It is a special regret.
The length of your publication is convenient, and whether or not to publish this letter is at your own discretion. Sending this letter is mainly for the purpose of depositing the facts. Careful karma is the hope.
A person who held a press conference as a member of the "Ying Liu Club" sent a message
July 28, 1983
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Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee to "Times News"
The issue of your journal published on May 14, 1983 contained the article "The Case of Liu Shanqing is Still Undecided", which involved the association, which was found to be inconsistent with the facts. It is hereby clarified as follows, and your journal is requested to publish it as soon as possible:
(1) The Committee for Rescuing Liu Shanqing has not made any statement or statement to your magazine or other magazines or newspapers on the issue of the "four counts" in the Liu Shanqing case;
(2) The Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee has never received any inquiries from your magazine, nor has it accepted any interviews. Therefore, all the "rebuttals" of the spokesperson of the Association in this article are absolutely not true.
Finally, regarding the "Four Charges" reported by your magazine, according to our knowledge, the Chinese government has not confirmed the rumors about the convictions of the Four Charges through official channels. Therefore, we do not intend to comment on the relevant reports in your magazine above. . this wish
Edit Ann!
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
July 4, 1983
Time News Editors We Report the Facts
Time News Editor
Everyone in this magazine was surprised to receive the letter from the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee".
At first, we doubted the authenticity of the letter, because the letter was not signed by the person in charge, there was no contact person's name, only a very simple and vague offset stamp, and the envelope and letter paper of the letter were rough offset printing.
Therefore, our reporter contacted a person who held a press conference as a member of the "Ying Liu Club". This person said that he wrote the letter and was not forged by someone other than the "Ying Liu Club". There is no signature of the person in charge and no contact name as there is no one in their organization with these responsibilities.
The person claimed to be not a spokesperson, and he also knew that the fourth issue of this magazine contained a rebuttal about the "Ying Liu Association". But the person argued that the members interviewed by this magazine were not speakers.
In fact, the member of the "Ying Liu Club" interviewed by this magazine will meet with the press several times as a spokesperson. When this magazine published "The Case of Liu Shanqing is Still Undecided" in the fourth issue, the photo of Liu Shanqing listed was also provided by this member.
Therefore, the claim in this letter that "the Committee for the Rescue of Liu Shanqing has not received any inquiries from your magazine and has not been interviewed", this magazine believes that it is absolutely not true.
The four crimes reported by this magazine are actually extremely classified information, so it is not surprising that anyone, including the "Ying Liu Hui", cannot obtain confirmation from other official or unofficial channels.
Our reporter has never asked the "Ying Liu Association" to confirm the news of the four counts. In fact, the association has no way to confirm it in other ways. When this magazine interviewed the spokesperson of the association on the same day, it had clearly stated that the magazine had received news of the four charges, and hoped that the spokesperson would comment on the possibility of conclusive evidence for the four charges; The fourth issue will be reported.
Is the "clarification" of the "Ying Liu Club" to clarify that the member who was interviewed by this magazine that day was no longer a spokesperson at that time, or to deny the comment made by the spokesperson? This journal hopes that the meeting will make it clear.
What we report is the truth.
July 23, 1983
Time News
A member of Ying Liu Huiyi to the editorial department of "Times News"
Member of Camp Liu Hui
You published the article "We Report Facts" on page 55 of the ninth issue of your journal. There are inconsistencies between the facts and my own. Please clarify. The third paragraph of the article says: "This person said that the document was written by him..." This statement is wrong, "the letter was not written by myself" is the truth. I have repeatedly repeated this statement to Liu Junhua Jun, and he is the one who listened to it. wrong? Or did the editor in charge make a mistake?
The fourth paragraph of the article says: "...and the recording is correct..." I have never made this statement. The tone of this remark implies that I had seen (or knew) Huang Guohua Jun at the scene that he recorded (?) the so-called "rebuttal" of the so-called spokesperson with a transcript (?) or a tape recorder? There is absolutely no such thing, don't make An Bai make it.
I have had many conversations with Liu Jun, and most of my friends gossip and chat. Regarding the "camp Liuhui" matter, I only declare that I would like to confirm that the letter I sent is true, and all other matters should not be published without consent. At present, Liu Jun took the interview as an interview activity and provided inaccurate information without authorization, thus misleading the readers. It is a special regret.
The length of your publication is convenient, and whether or not to publish this letter is at your own discretion. Sending this letter is mainly for the purpose of depositing the facts. Careful karma is the hope.
A person who held a press conference as a member of the "Ying Liu Club" sent a message
July 28, 1983
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rescue creation
Mo Zhaoru Prison Play (screenplay)
Mo Zhaoru
Liu Shanqing, you are a classmate of Hong Kong friends, you are a class of counter-revolutionaries, and you are holding a second press conference. In fact, it is very useful! This time, it is said that you are a Hong Konger. You were born in Hong Kong. When you return to this country, the Hong Kong government has the responsibility to investigate and be responsible? What qualifications does the British Hong Kong government have? What qualifications are there for tracing? You, you are Chinese, all Hong Kong compatriots are Chinese, you always use the "Certificate of Chinese Compatriots" every time you come back, and you yourself admit that you are a Chinese national! Some people from Hong Kong want to be British, but you love Britain, does Britain love you? I don't even know the new British Nationality Law!
You don't even know the times. After graduating from the University of Hong Kong and redoing a job as a sales engineer, do you know that there are more than four million college graduates in China, and if you add Hong Kong, you may not be able to get a good look at the four modernizations. Chi D has taken over Hong Kong. Except for the rich and capitalists, the most popular are D professionals. You are really stupid. You are really stupid. Deira, Wang Xizhe, are you brave enough to go up there? Wang Xizhe and He Qiu were sentenced early in the morning, and Xu Wenli has all made the judgment. I will let you listen. Xu Wenli has been sentenced to 15 years in prison and deprived of political rights for four years. D is his right, the crime is real, and the sentence will not change!
Liu Shanqing, if you don't talk about it seriously, sooner or later, it will be like a channel. Do you want to be a martyr? But in the Hong Kong point, will someone be your first comer in the series? A friend of yours, ten or eight organized what is called the Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee, have you done D what support? The rest of us know how to hold a press conference. Last year, Xinhua News Agency sent a petition letter. There is a so-called open letter asking people to sign. It has been signed for many months. There are more than 300 people who signed and signed, and more than 300 people support you. Less D! There are five million people in Hong Kong! There are 300,000 people who oppose Japan's tampering with the history of aggression against China, and there are hundreds of thousands of people who oppose the increase in tariffs by the power company! You need three hundred people! what! There are people D who use a pseudonym and a pseudonym—there is one called 幜嘢 Holding Umbrella, another is called Yashui, and the other is Yashui? The streets are all sub-water, what-shui material water! There are heavy class people called Dequan, Yuli, Hongda! Do you think you will turn around in a drama performance? ! It's no wonder that I know you are a classmate in the university. It doesn't matter if you want to work in the government, you should be considered a lawyer. There are well-known people in the D series, and the report rate is so high. It is important to have an open letter to support you, and no one who pays money is willing to share it with him. Except for the common people and the express news, these two are very, very related, especially the common people, what rubbish All are published, Ming Pao is not willing to be published, Dongfang, Chengbao, Zhongbao, and What are not published! Even the monthly magazines of the 1970s, this class of traitors, won't let Kenden support your open letter, and they won't even publish it for money! It's so clear to me, the D members of the subcommittee, go to kneel and kneel in the 1970s, Feng Keqiang and Li Tingyao, both of them are screwing their heads!
Liu Shanqing, you have to understand the same thing, there are many professors, well-known people or columnists who have signed to support Wang Xizhe, because Wang Xizhe is good, he is famous, you don't belong, support your committee, get a few friends, What does it look like? You write a poem and a big kid friend begs for inspiration: "Running for help / Running is in vain / Crying for help is helpless / We raise our hands / But no angry fists / We all care / Falklandway's Dispute / How much money is worth firing / Landmark's acquisition of Hong Kong Electric / Is the market still catching up / We have to go to work tomorrow / We need to get married on one floor / And a RV to fall in love / A higher-paying job... we Restless sleep/Because of thinking about prospering tomorrow..." Do you think your friends will miss you? I don't really want to create your heart, but if I want to develop, it's almost the same!
What are you doing with a stiff neck? Hey, frankly, D told you that I won't let you go even if I'm on the spot. Wu Zhongxian is an anti-bone boy. He promises to cooperate with me, and he will go back to Hong Kong to make a big wok. Years, my land will settle accounts with him! You, as I have said many times, there are two choices. One is like Xu Wenli, Wang Xizhe, and D reactionaries. They will sit for fifteen years, or even one lifetime, depending on whether they are lucky enough, you may have a chance to return in 1997. Hong Kong, when the time comes, go to Mount Moxingling and visit the New Youth Academy and the People’s Drama Club, D’s friends, but if you cooperate, you will come out with a person, give a name, draw a line with him, stand on the side of the people, and expose him. If you commit crimes, you will atone for your crimes, and the party and the people will forgive you. You have been in prison for a while, and you really have completely changed your behavior. I will release you back to Hong Kong at the right time. You will have the opportunity to do good things for the people and help me take over Hong Kong. Think clearly. I have told you many times: you are looking forward to future generations, you have a bright future, your old beanie mother has your girlfriend, and she is waiting for you in Hong Kong. Your old bean has been here twice. The first time I saw him, I told you about him after seeing him. But the second time I went there, oh, it was just a few months ago, huh, I swooped down the canal. Department, I'm going to rush out of the canal, how amazing is it? But if you cooperate, it's not the same, not just for your old bean to see you, your girlfriend to go to the beach, you have to monitor with him until two nights! Think about it, I don't know how many times I've talked to you. Our country and the party have never been afraid of trouble and destruction by class enemies at home and abroad, and the result will be like the end of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four.
You, Liu Shanqing, if you don’t know what’s good or bad, and you won’t talk about it, if you stick to a reactionary stance and resist the people to the end, you will have no good end. Hello! Have you ever participated in the organization of the "Chinese Communist League"? What people are in the alliance? What are the leaders of the three overseas branches of Taiwan and Hong Kong, and what are the foreign reactionary organizations? You slander our people's democratic dictatorship as a one-party dictatorship, you incite the masses to resist the implementation of government laws, you post and distribute leaflets, distort facts, confuse right and wrong, incite the masses, and send articles slandering the judiciary to foreign journalists, foreign embassies, They also published reactionary publications, secretly sent them to foreign countries to deceive public opinion, confuse public opinion, and provide excuses for the attacks and slander of our country by anti-my country and anti-communist forces. Privileged "bureaucratic dictatorship state capitalism, you are also ordered to carry out counter-revolutionary propaganda, you are trying to overthrow the regime of our people's democratic dictatorship and bury the socialist system...
Liu Shanqing, you are really over your head, you want to overthrow me, do you have a gun, do you know how to hold a gun, I will watch you block the car, and the mayfly shake the tree...ha...ha
I'll tell you what to say, Liu Shanqing, you are meat on the chopping board, I can chop you into meat sauce!
I can kill you with one shot and break your head off!
Or slash your head with a knife! Cut your throat!
Or do you prefer hanging by the neck? The nails are pierced into your head.
Feed you food Shanai?
No, no? How easy? Cheap for you!
My party has never been merciful to class enemies. We have many good methods!
Play fifty big boards? Hang upside down?
Kneeling glass? A bed of nails? Why don't you drink water? How much do you drink? Ten liters! Fifty liters? Why don't you dive in? How many minutes can you breathe without breathing? two minutes? five minutes? You don't like it, I can use oil, boil oil? A hand dripping, a foot dripping? Or try to dance under the charcoal line except for the big bare feet! Can you put honey on your body and put a few ants around? Or do you prefer to be in D cage with D hungry mice?
Oh, modernization, that is, modernization, four modernizations, I want to use the methods of modernization. It's so simple, I'm going to study with Argentina in Brazil! The method is the most modern. Do you use electricity? D wires are tied to D's hands, feet, ears or eyelids. Just run the current.
However, Liu Shanqing, you can bury it, wait for a lesbian from me to help you remove your pants and tie them, obediently don't worry, and put on a pair of bottoms again, wait for them to bury them, tie them, but the gesture is good , take it slow, don't get nervous, get an erection, get an erection, slowly, don't get nervous, I'm calling the lesbian gesture okay? Is it alright if I ask him to use his mouth? Whoa, sigh
Hahahahahahaha...
not a joke
• An anarchist in Greece once said - in any dictatorial regime and dictatorial society, whether left or right, east or west, past, present or Tomorrow, a brilliant cross-examination is like the script of a play. Someone entered and exited according to precise instructions, and the director who instructed everyone from behind the scenes was the person in charge of the investigation. The various people who appear during the interrogation process have different roles, but they all serve the same purpose - to get the victim/prisoner to confess. In order to successfully obtain the confession, the head of the investigation asked his subordinates to use different methods, and he was just waiting. He possesses a very terrifying weapon, and that is time, and he knows that as long as he is patient, the prisoner will soften sooner or later! And in order not to lose, the prisoner must try to invalidate the weapon of time—he must respond in a countermeasure so that the play does not play out as planned. Hunger strikes, refusal to drink water, aggressive behaviors, violence and violence... When any method makes the persecutor redouble the blow, so that he loses consciousness or is in a coma, the interrogation needs to stop! The prisoners were then given a chance to catch their breath and face the torture again under new circumstances, but now the prisoners had a better understanding of the narration, setting, passages and style of the entire play.
• To write a one-legged play with Liu Shanqing as the title, what other reasons are needed?
Liu Shanqing was arrested almost two years ago. His friends and supporters tracked down his news through various channels and made his experience public to more people to gain more support. Over the past two years, we have held several press conferences, speeches, seminars, printed posters, distributed leaflets, carried out signature campaigns, advertised, petitioned Xinhua News Agency, wrote letters to the British Hong Kong government, Amnesty International, and asked the Beijing authorities…
The author is just one of many friends who care about Liu Shanqing. I try to use drama to make the audience pay attention to Liu Shanqing's fate. It must be admitted that the author's way of drama is more or less with the intention of appealing to emotions. For many people, A rational understanding of the Liu Shanqing incident is enough, but why do many people still feel that it has nothing to do with them?
• Of course, I don't know the process of the CCP's interrogation of Liu Shanqing. I don't know whether he was tortured or not. I have only read Liu Qing's prison notes, the Amnesty International report, and a lot of information about how the CCP has handled prisoners in the past few years (political prisoners and non-political prisoners).
The method of torture is mentioned in the play: the interrogator inserts a needle into the prisoner's erect XX, which is not made out of thin air. The Greek anarchist mentioned above was once arrested and imprisoned for anti-military dictatorship, and was tortured by the torturer using this method. , the torturer even used fire to insert the iron needle into XX.
After Liu Shanqing's play was written, it was considered to have been performed twice. It was part of a "street play" about the pro-democracy movement. If any readers are interested, even if it is just a few people, the author is willing to play this play for them and discuss the matter of Liu Shanqing with them.
May 15, 1984 "Breaking Ground 3"
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Such as the end of the show. Journey
Ruxiu
The first time I watched "The Road to the Warrior", I kept thinking of Liu Shanqing. Liu Shanqing is my friend, although we are not familiar with each other. Shan Qing studied at the University of Hong Kong in 1973. During his three years of university life, he was active in the student movement and was a member of the current affairs committee of the University of Hong Kong Student Union. In 1975 he participated in the campaign against increasing military spending. In 1976, he supported the mass movement of the "Tiananmen Incident on April and May". After graduating, Shan Qing worked with other friends to run a night school for workers, contacting workers and increasing their understanding. From 1976 to 1979, he participated in various social movements successively, opposing the government's closure of Jinxi Middle School, the Yau Ma Tei boaters' struggle to go ashore, the second campaign to defend Diaoyutai, and Jiayi TV's employees' struggle to resume work . From 1979 to 1981, Shan Qing actively supported the democracy movement in China, and exchanged ideas with people from private publications. On December 25 last year, Shan Qing set off for Guangzhou. He hoped to visit the arrested civilian publications. He asked Wang Xizhe's family, but he never came back. On March 13 this year, Liu Jun's father personally went to the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau of Guangdong Province to inquire, and was verbally confirmed that Liu Jun had been detained.
Liu Shanqing's experience is very similar to Tian Huifang and Li Jiahui in "Warrior's Road".
So I watched "The Soldier's Strategies" for the second time, and in the last scene, when all the actors appeared in the room, there was silence, and the big events that had happened in Hong Kong, China, and the world since 1970 came from the loudspeaker, and the lights From the red to blue in the early 1970s, then to pale yellow, to the more than ten minutes of gray in the late 1970s, I suddenly remembered that there were several posters about Liu Shanqing's unreasonable detention in my school bag. In addition, there are more than 20 photocopies of open letters to the National People's Congress, the People's Court of Guangdong Province, the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau and the relevant departments of the Hong Kong government published on the first page of the Express on July 28, 1982. , I thought about it carefully for a few minutes, then gathered up my courage, ran from the first row of the auditorium into the performance area, put those posters and open letters on the ground, and then placed them outside the performance area, and sent two Three for the rest of the audience.
The actor's reaction to such a sudden intervention by the audience was interesting. Although Huang Zhiyuan, who played the role of a Communist Party cadre, was acting for the first time, his reaction was most in line with the people in the play. He picked up a poster and tore it to shreds. However, when the actor who played the radical student followed suit, it contradicted his role - he was no longer a radical student who supported the pro-democracy movement, but a member of an angry drama club in the 1980s!
xxx
Later, I talked to a few friends from the 1980s drama club about the intervention that night. They were dissatisfied with me that they had not been notified or asked for their consent beforehand, and they should not have sent an open letter to the audience.
Regarding the question of not seeking prior consent, all I can say is that the action of intervention was improvised rather than premeditated, so there is no prior note at all. So the point of the question is how did the drama club treat spontaneous audience participation in the 1980s? Personally, I think this is an issue worth discussing. I personally think that the audience's intervention can enhance and enrich the connotation or form of a play, then such intervention is successful, otherwise it is a failure. I would feel guilty if the troupe and the audience that night thought my intervention was a failure and ruined the show "Warrior's Road." As for sending the open letter to the audience to mislead the audience into thinking that the troupe had something to do with rescuing Liu Shanqing, the troupe could have explained it on the loudspeaker at the end of the play. But since the troupe has never done this, I can only bear the responsibility for creating this misunderstanding, so I have to apologize to the friends of the troupe!
"Movie Weekly"
[Editor's note: This article is an excerpt]
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Invoking "Missing Mountain Green"
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Invoking "Missing Mountain Green"
Missing is in vain
Shan Qing, let me tell you bluntly
The news of your disappearance came after Christmas
Dozens of older kids gather at Baffin Road
run for help
Running is in vain
Calling for help is useless
We raise our hands but no angry fists
We all care about the disputes in the Falklands
How much gold is worth frying
Is Landmark's acquisition of HK Electric still a viable option?
we have to go to work tomorrow
Follow the price by phone
Gotta get off work
We need to get married even more
fall in love with an RV
a higher paying job
just don't care about tomorrow
Shan Qing, you must have lost your job.
Your future is uncertain
you're not a miss
almost six months
you're not worth a trial
But you have to be careful
the people you visit
It's the one-year anniversary of their arrest
No interrogation was mentioned
we can't sleep
Because I think tomorrow will be prosperous
But you look forward to waking up alone in the middle of the night to watch the democratic sunrise
we still miss
We are still running for help
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Invocation, Silent China
Jailer's Steps
Peeking at the Beads of the Jail
an incomplete conversation
Let you guess the halo and dawn
no work
no need to rest
how would you know
Poland detains Solidarity leader
eleven months
finally unconditional
released
Warissa
did not kneel
also entertained reporters
and you
Liu Shanqing
There is nothing wrong with being born in Poland
I don't have a mustache, maybe I shaved my head earlier
not like Warissa
miss
Just because you are a Chinese citizen
went back last christmas
didn't come out
An overseas Chinese student who just finished college
Come back and say the people dress warmly
eat well
won't say a word
All to support the four modernizations
A friend finished her Ph.D.
Just go back and do translations, but don't translate
You should feel more humbled
Neither know how to store materials for the country
more gullible text
It's the sound
Imagine the tumbling of an earthworm
Started the thunder in the sky
mountain green
can you beg
silent china
tell you a little
the crime
November 16, 1982
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Wen Shanqing sentenced to ten years in prison
How many times do you pick up the pen
put it down again
pick up a pen
Expose rank and salary
if this helps you
Find ten college friends
I quit my job, dumped my girlfriend
Sold the house, sold the car
One year in prison for you
It's not wrong
Anyway, you're fooling around
In the name of democracy
ancient and vast country
No room for a young man to be patriotic
I just feel sad
You are in jail this year
ten years later
awaiting criticism and jail time
Maybe it's our bunch
a poet who refuses to speak
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Going back to the restaurant of the old student union building and sending it to Guopei
The old building is fine
A cup of milk tea in front of the window
Mingde Gewu's bunting has gone with Liuyun
nearly ten years
At that time, we lived in the dormitory and lingered in the student union.
no money to eat
In the afternoon, I came to sigh the milk tea of seven cents
So Sister Qing and Sister Luan at the cash register
Give each of us an accounting column
The unlucky Liu Shanqing certainly has a share
That was a long time ago anecdote
you all came back from your studies in the UK
Shan Qing was detained in China for two years and eight months
I met Ms. Qing a few years ago
She pressed on for tips on applying for public housing
ask about her
Soon after we graduated
Fat owner of restaurant dies unexpectedly
Less than a year later, Sister Luan died of kidney disease again.
Sister Luan has been sick for years
Such a fluttering day
another ten years
A cup of milk tea in front of the window
The old building is fine
And Guopei, how about you?
what about shanqing
(The Chinese spokesperson recently said that Wei Jingsheng's attitude has improved. Friends who go to the United States tomorrow tell me that Wei Jingsheng has gone crazy)
August 27, 1984
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Invocation to release Liu Shanqing Poems to Deng Xiaoping
invocation
how do i get through
one
again
silent night
Newly moved old house
full of fruit trees
Countless stars, cool breeze
five years
Moved four times
The house is getting bigger
People are getting more and more silent
goodbye
maybe not familiar anymore
lover at the time
married
piece by piece
red brick
but the years
stepping stone
remember you
Candy Tracking
's news pictures
Poor Shanqing Father
Servant for five years
Hong Kong
visit a jail
Graduated from the University of Hong Kong
son
who else
what about
as i wrote to
Shan Qing's Three Poems
your old man must
won't see
Those who speak are guilty, those who hear take precaution
ten years
Cultural Revolution experience
It hurts now
How much more will be revealed
will open the way
eleven years ago
we are candid students
Protest against the Queen's visit to Hong Kong
Now the Queen travels from China via Hong Kong
I'm just a servant of Hong Kong British
Involved in the farewell ceremony
never understand
The Communist Party is unpredictable
the ruling philosophy
leave one
Liu Shanqing
Criticized Model Workers in Prison
After all, it has no effect on the four
damage to overseas prestige
why
What's the reason
who will be more confident
believe in one country, two systems
Sky
starry night
for your elderly to take a walk
Just take it off
one
two
play with
one
again
unspeakable night
late at night
December 5, 1986
early morning
Notes: Three poems about Liu Shanqing, "Missing Shanqing", "Silent China", "Wen Shanqing Sentenced to Ten Years in Prison",
They are all published in the bimonthly magazine "People". This poem was mailed to Comrade Deng Xiaoping in Zhongnanhai on December 12.
(The New Generation, January 2, 1987)
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Wu Yihong some words
Wu Yihong
That was in the early spring of 1982.
Strange why he would go out and do an impromptu fight against Polish workers at that time.
Victoria Park is an eventful place and for me Victoria Park is part of our growth and will certainly grow with us. However, no one noticed him sitting there at the time.
Only recently did I know that Liu Shanqing was part of the pro-Polish workers' movement, and that day, he was far, far away from Victoria Park.
I don't know Liu Shanqing at all.
I think he's probably second line, not a budding buddy. The Wu Zhongxian incident is embarrassing, but Liu Shanqing, what can we say, we are troubled by the fact that we can't find his previous articles, records, and few words, but he was convicted of counter-revolutionary propaganda.
Counter-revolution!
If the revolution does not support the oppressed people and the revolution does not support democracy, then Liu Shanqing is a counter-revolutionary.
What is a revolution? What is the revolution of more than 30 years?
It's really hard to understand.
Yes, it's hard to understand that we would blatantly support the "international brothers" from afar, but dare not do the same for the friends we work with.
Some people think that China maintains sovereignty, develops democracy and the rule of law, but ignores Liu Shanqing. How can they do this?
Maybe we're a little scared after all.
For the past two years, the rescue of Liu Shanqing has been carried out intermittently. But in April of this year, when the news that Shan Qing had been imprisoned for ten years came, Huo Ran felt sad. ten years. How many ten years are there in a person's life, and tomorrow, every day will be lonely and lonely.
Not only that, we have a deep understanding of the darkness of Chinese prisons, especially the treatment of pro-democracy activists.
Liu Qing, the chief editor of the "45 Forum", was secretly detained by the Beijing public security organs for publishing Wei Jingsheng's trial records. After more than a month, he was sentenced to three years of labor camp and served a sentence in Shaanxi. During the detention period, he was constantly abused, beaten, branded, and bruised all over his body.
Human Rights Alliance Zhang Wenwen was arrested and imprisoned, but he continued to protest in prison, so he endured the most hardships. It was extremely difficult and painful to eat, go to the toilet, sleep, and change clothes, and he was beaten several times.
These are just snippets, the more painful ones may still be going on, but what can we do here?
As the beggar said, tomorrow we still have to work, worry about the stock market, and the interest on housing. The Liu Shanqing incident can never be considered a big problem, but as long as we pause for a while and look back, we all feel that there is an unfinished business. Small waters will flow, we will still run and tell each other, what will we do tomorrow.
However, there is always a trace of nostalgia. Maybe Shan Qing will call tomorrow and tell a friend that this is just a misunderstanding.
Shan Qing, even though we are powerless, we still think, do, miss, and tell our children, and you have to live well!
("Always 1", January 1, 1984)
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Du Zhizhong Modern Crime and Punishment
──Thinking of Liu Shanqing
Du Zhizhong
It has been almost three years since Liu Shanqing was arrested in mainland China. In the past three years, after many investigations by Shanqing's family and friends, the CCP has not yet announced in detail the reason and process of detaining Liu Shanqing. The CCP's Public Security Bureau only said in response to the inquiry from the Chinese University and State Society that Liu Shanqing had committed the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda. But what kind of counter-revolutionary propaganda is there, the CCP has not disclosed a single word; the CCP only brought Liu Shanqing to the case of Wang Xizhe, He Qiu and others. If it is said that Wang Xizhe, He Qiu and others committed the crime of "counter-revolutionary" propaganda, it can be regarded as a trace. However, Shanqing first did not set up a private magazine by himself, and of course he did not assist them in running a private magazine. Second, he did not write an article. The author had checked with Shanqing’s other friends for information on Shanqing-related organizations, and found that Liu Shanqing had not only handed in the information when he was in college. Outside of his homework, he did not write any articles at all, and Shanqing did not even have the habit of writing letters to relatives and friends; Liu Shanqing had no record of public speeches, including those in the mainland and Hong Kong. Liu Shanqing can be said to have no trace of propaganda activities, let alone "counter-revolutionary" propaganda. What crime did Liu Shanqing commit?
The CCP has always urged Liu Shanqing to “be lenient when confessing, and be strict when resisting.” But when a person is fundamentally innocent and asks him to confess his “crime”, isn’t this unwarranted? Perhaps according to the presiding officer, Liu Shanqing had committed the crime of not confessing.
I got to know Shan Qing in the days of 1975. During the struggle of the residents of Niuchiwan against the forced eviction of residents by the subway, he worked day and night with imaginative words to touch the hearts of us and the residents. An Italian priest recalled the night before the demolition of the houses when Shan Qing suddenly said to the residents and people present: "In these many months, our group of foreign supporters and residents have spent so much effort. Dealing with kung fu and the subway and the government, shouldn't we spend the last night with the residents on this last night?" The people present were moved, and when they died, they decided to stay with the residents for the night, Wait for the next day's cleanup.
In 1976, when Shan Qing had not yet completed his college graduation examination, he had already begun to think about the way out after graduation with a group of classmates and friends. In order to continue their ideals in college and to walk with the workers, they set up the New Youth Institute. In the establishment of Xinqing and in the following days, Shanqing has always taken the lead. Of course, his over-enthusiasm towards workers has caused some minor disturbances in the small circle. When other people's ideals in college are fading due to day jobs and social pressure, and their enthusiasm for the work of the Xinqing Society is also gradually losing their enthusiasm, while Shan Qing continues to impress people with words and new plans.
At the end of 1977, the Xinqing Institute went to the fields of the Sunset West Hills with the enthusiasm of a worker's night school as a way of attracting people. Shan Qing hopes to push the members of the academy out of the night school and intervene in the struggle of Jinxi teachers and students to demand the democratization of the school authorities. One morning, after an all-night discussion with the three Jinxi teachers, we all left the venue with exhausted bodies. Shan Qing recalled in the elevator that he had been arguing all night over some tangled facts and opinions, and said to the other four that he spent so much energy to convince everyone, not to point out the wrongness of most teachers in Jinxi, nor to I want to hold one of the teachers accountable for publicly attacking other teachers in the newspaper. He said he didn't come here to judge everyone.
These religious and philosophical remarks came from Liu Shanqing, who has no religious beliefs, and I have always remembered them in my heart.
After numerous debates, Shan Qingzu was able to persuade me to intervene in support of the democracy movement that was taking place on the mainland. I really don't agree with many of his actions. His enthusiasm, of course, really excited me, but his impulsiveness also worried me a lot. Judging from historical examples, Chinese people outside the mainland have always been of positive help to the democratic struggle of the mainland people. For the pro-democracy fighters on the mainland, they are always in danger of being arrested at any time.
Smart and dedicated, he became a victim of the great people's democratic dictatorship. His intelligence and focus, coupled with his strong sense of justice, have become the backbone of his perseverance in the face of power. He is not a political figure, because he will not be austere and compromising, and he does not know how to write a confession of repentance for his trumped-up charges. He has the courage to face the pain of ten years in prison, because the prison will make him better understand the pain and pleasure of life. One could describe him as a tragic hero, not what he expected, but more in line with his nature.
(November 15, 1985, "Cultural Trends")
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Five Years Special
Wang Anran Liu Shanqing's Five Years
The Letter 23 December
If a country does not have a stable legal system and does not respect the tradition of the rule of law, no matter how many complete laws the country has enacted, it is not a country under the rule of law, nor can it be said to be a civilized country. Hong Kong people are discussing the Basic Law in a somewhat helpless situation, striving to strive for the greatest degree of democracy in a limited time and space, in order not to live in an uncontrollable and irregular system. We not only hope that personal property and the results of hard work will be recognized by the law, but also hope that personal freedom will be guaranteed, and that political rights will also have fair and reasonable protection. In fact, this is only a very low and reasonable requirement.
The return of the Hong Kong people was forced, and the Hong Kong people's fear and rejection of the Communist Party came from the heart. This is not only the mentality of the majority of citizens, but also the thinking of big capitalists. It is also the opinion of social activists who, on the surface, have confidence in one country, two systems and the future of Hong Kong. This is the basic "consensus" of Hong Kong people. The difference is only for those who are willing to take responsibility (I consider myself one of them) are still trying their best to fight, those who have interests seek the final interests as soon as possible, and strive for political privileges to continue their interests. Those who are unwilling to join forces, those who are able to immigrate to immigrate as soon as possible, those who are incapable of immigrating to work and study silently, bury their worries in their hearts as they pass by, while Hong Kong continues to be stable and prosperous.
Hong Kong people should not forget the Liu Shanqing case
Hong Kong people are shrewd, but they are also indifferent. We have a strong ability to distinguish right from wrong. We will not assume that the CCP has become open and rational just because a few CCP leaders play a laughing face. Nor will it be assumed that China has moved towards the rule of law just because the CCP has made the Basic Law for the people of Hong Kong and the National People's Congress has enacted a considerable number of laws in the past few years. The incident of the Hong Kong people at the Daya Bay nuclear power plant has already made it clear how the CCP treats the "public opinion" of the Hong Kong people. Hong Kong has no confidence in the CCP's rule of law. We can certainly see the intervention of the "invisible hand" during the formulation of the Basic Law. The Liu Shanqing incident mentioned by young people in recent years is even more easily forgotten by Hong Kong people.
The author does not know Liu Jun, but has always been concerned about the Liu Shanqing incident. I recently had the opportunity to talk with a number of Amnesty International members and some of Liu Jun's friends. While we can still speak up, the author is here and the Chinese leader has been illegally detained in Liu Shanqing (illegal refers to violated China's Criminal Procedure Law) and released him unconditionally within five years. Whether it is based on humanitarian, political, or respect for China's own rule of law, the release of Liu Jun is absolutely in the national interest.
From a humanitarian standpoint, if the country is in the midst of a revolution or turmoil, countless people shed blood, and it is helpless. But now that China is striving for progress and building time, we should pay attention to the personal value of each person, and should protect it as long as we can. It is not only a humble thing to reject and oppose persecution because of differences in political opinions and religious beliefs, but it also represents political uncivilization. It is a shame for the Chinese nation to allow this phenomenon to continue. We don't know what Liu Shanqing did in the mainland, but with the ability of an ordinary Hong Konger, he is a pro-democracy activist in the mainland, giving limited financial support and spiritual encouragement. If this is a counter-revolution, he will be sentenced to ten. Years in prison, I really want to be speechless. Amnesty International has classified Liu Junshu as a "Prisoner of Conscience". What is a prisoner of conscience, that is, "those who do not advocate or use violence but are committed purely for their political, religious, or other conscience. People who are imprisoned, detained or physically imprisoned on the grounds of creed, race, gender, colour, language, etc.”. This is already an international human rights standard. Unless we lose our sense of right and wrong, it is difficult to consider this an exorbitant I believe that China will eventually move towards democracy and opening up, and leaders who stubbornly imprison Liu Jun today will be criticized by future generations.
Democracy must not be sent to the North
What puzzles the author is whether there is any favorable political reason for keeping Liu Jun locked up. It goes without saying that the release of Liu Jun will be beneficial to gaining the confidence of the Hong Kong people. Failure to release him will intensify the dissatisfaction of the Hong Kong people, which is also an inevitable disadvantage. Liu Jun is also different from the democratic leaders in Taiwan, because he has no political strength in Hong Kong, and I believe he will not insist on staying in the mainland to "do things" after his release. The only reason I can think of is to use Liu's case as a template to warn the new social activists who are fighting for democracy in Hong Kong, so that they understand that democracy is a matter of boundaries and that they should not hold public opinion and ignore the opinions of the Beijing government. Second, we must not agitate the democratic consciousness northward. As long as there is any act that shakes the dictatorship of the ruling class, no matter whether it is reasonable or unreasonable, legal or illegal, the "invisible hand" can turn into a visible hand at any time and put away the people concerned.
If "killing chickens to warn monkeys" is the political reason for the CCP not to release Liu Shanqing, then I am afraid it is just a villain in vain.
Hong Kong's democrats and social activists are full of the so-called petty bourgeoisie utilitarian, realistic and fickle instincts (but they are still ideal people). If you are careful, please compare the list of "Anti-Nuclear Joint Conference" and "Joint Committee for Democracy", or the list of accounting and accounting activity groups such as "Opposition to the policy of wealthy households in public housing" and the list of members of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee". You can see the utilitarianism of Hong Kong's social activists.
Many wealthy leaders with a very righteous image did not do their best in Liu Jun's incident, but did not do anything. It is rumored that Liu Jun is a "Trotskyist", and there are also Trotskyite organizations in the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee", and the Trotskyites are a political and ideological organization that is hostile to the CCP. Therefore, those in Hong Kong who are rich and famous are very happy. Social activists have been purifying themselves and staying out of the way. However, if we ignore human rights violations because of our different political stances, what will we look like when the authoritarian regime oppresses the pressure groups and democrats in Hong Kong one day? Seeking moral support?
The rule of law on both sides of the Taiwan Strait is child's play
Finally, in terms of legal principles, and if there is an opportunity, the Chinese government can release Liu Shanqing without losing face. According to Article 72 of the Chinese Criminal Law, a person serving a sentence is served more than half of the original sentence. It is now in the middle of Liu Jun's ten-year sentence, and his release at this time can at least be justified in legal terms, although morally, Liu's case will always be a stain under the CCP's rule. It is known that some friends contacted Xinhua recently, hoping to arrange a visit to Liu Jun, but the Xinhua News Agency refused to arrange it. They only asked if they would ask the relevant authorities on their own, how could China be so big?
Recently, Taiwan independence activist Xu Jialiang went abroad and returned to Taiwan as a "wanted criminal for inciting riots", but the Taiwan government's handling was to deny the criminals entry. Not daring to arrest criminals is ridiculous, but also confirms the lack of authority of Taiwan's laws. The CCP detained Liu Shanqing and put him in prison, but it did not have the courage to interrogate him publicly or let relatives and friends visit him. It was also because of the injustice of the law itself and the lack of courage to make it known to the world. In the 1980s, the Chinese nation basically stood up, but does the government that represents this great nation also stand up?
(The photo is from the South China Morning Post when people seeking the release of Liu Shanqing went to Hong Kong last week to collect names on the streets)
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Jiang Hongyan and half of Liu Shanqing
How many springs can one person experience? The first twenty years of one's life are usually entrusted to growth and learning, and the next ten years can be regarded as the most precious golden age of one's life. During this period, if a person fails to contribute to society due to objective circumstances, and tries to find a foothold in society for work or devotion, then the person’s decades in the future will also be doomed. This loss, not only for the individual, but also for the society, will be irreparable. It seems that Liu Shanqing's situation is exactly like this.
Originally, it was beyond the ability of our outsiders and his friends to determine whether Liu Shanqing was guilty or not. Of course, Shan Qing had connections with pro-democracy activists, but in the early 1980s, many people in Hong Kong had connections with pro-democracy activists. Even many members of the CCP have connections with the pro-democracy activists, and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China does not know how the stability and unity that the pro-democracy movement demands for the Four Modernizations will undermine what effect it will have. The CCP’s suppression of the pro-democracy activists at that time was only based on the pro-democracy activists’ questioning and criticism of the central government’s policies. If the Communist Party can truly consider that "the power comes from the barrel of a gun", the suppression and punishment that these small and unarmed pro-democracy activists are subjected to are really disproportionate to their social (anti?) effect. In fact, the strength of the pro-democracy activists has almost failed to reach the level of social nuisance.
Of course, the overseas forces supporting the pro-democracy movement can be complicated or have ulterior motives. Many of them hope to influence the pro-democracy activists, so that their patriotic and social criticism can be turned into their wishful thinking, or they may be trying to fish in the water. Use this power to achieve these ends, but the problems are not with the pro-democracy activists. In any case, the Kuomintang, the CIA, and other right-wing forces, as well as anarchists and Trotskyists, will pay attention to all developments and activities in Chinese society. Just like people who are democratic, open and critical, they will care and love their motherland in the hope that it will become a more democratic, just and deprived society. If the CCP does not step into this new society, the voices of protest and criticism will be even louder. To suppress the voices of criticism simply by killing chickens and warning monkeys is just a practice of slashing your feet. Not only will it fail to solve the problem of transforming society into a more just and democratic society, it will only waste people and social resources.
Re-conquering pro-democracy activists and their supporters can't suppress the voice of criticism at all. That is a question of social reform. What we are seeing right now is that many people have been imprisoned and lost the golden age of their lives, and national resources have also caused a huge waste. People are used to supervise people-this is the social system that causes the greatest social waste.
Liu Shanqing has been in prison for more than five years, and the punishment for five years behind bars is extremely severe. In order to avoid excessive waste of resources and contempt for basic human rights, the CCP should release or release Liu Shanqing on parole. The release was based on the unfairness of the sentence at the time; the parole was based on Liu Shanqing's continued cooperation and good behavior in prison despite his guilt. But this requires the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to fully disclose Liu Shanqing's criminal evidence, which will convince people. Unfortunately, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has not been able to do this.
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Liu Zhongming rescued for five years
Liu Zhongming
Liu Shanqing has been in prison for five years.
In the past five years, the world situation has changed a lot, but on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of his imprisonment, some thought-provoking things happened.
First of all, a movement for democracy, freedom, and human rights, and against bureaucratic privilege and bureaucratic dictatorship, reappeared in China, covering ten major cities across the country. Then the CCP used its usual tricks to arrest several "counter-revolutionary" elements, and expelled Liu Binyan, Fang Lizhi, and Wang Ruowang from the party.
On the other hand, Gorbachev of the Soviet Union announced the decision of the Supreme Soviet and released more than 100 centrifuges. According to the current situation, more centrifuge molecules will be released one after another.
Do these events of international attention have anything to do with Liu Shanqing's personal destiny? For now, it doesn't seem to matter at all.
But just as the capitalist mode of production produces its gravediggers, bureaucratic rule produces its opposite.
Hungary, the Czech Republic, the Soviet Union, Poland, and even China, have successively fought against bureaucratic rule. Shanqing is just a little bit of this democratic torrent. It is so trivial to say, but it is precisely because there is such a forerunner who is willing to serve as a former servant of democracy that there will be hundreds, thousands, and tens of thousands of successors.
Although the mountain green is an inevitable product of historical development, is there more than one mountain green in the world?
For those who rescue Shan Qing, he is both concrete and abstract.
Specifically, he is our friend, a friend who cares about China's future, strives for socialist democracy and the rule of law, and for the people to be masters of the country. What we want to win is to immediately release such a person who is willing to risk trouble for the well-being of the people.
On the other hand, Shan Qing supports the Chinese people in their struggle for democracy. He also believes that the bureaucrats, who enjoy various privileges, do everything possible to prevent the people from participating in the management of production and the management of the country, resulting in various major setbacks and mistakes in the past three decades, which have seriously hindered China's development. He contributed his strength and youth to the democratic movement in China. From this point of view, the release of this person does not mean much, because the fact that the bureaucracy is riding on the head of the people and doing evil in the name of the four insistence has not changed.
In that respect, the rescue of Liu Shanqing was far from achieving its goals.
Five years have passed, and we have finally achieved certain results. At a minimum, there are more people and organizations in the local area who know and care about Shanqing's fate. Internationally, we have also received support from friends from all walks of life.
The problem is that the CCP has remained silent all along. Apart from revealing that Shan Qing had committed the crime of "counter-revolutionary" propaganda and incitement, the facts of the crime, the records of the interrogation, etc., were all not disclosed. This practice of holding hands and prison cells instead of reasoning actually smears the name of socialism, making people think that socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat, barbarism and fascism are one and the same.
Since the CCP claims that socialist democracy is far more democratic than bourgeois democracy, it is hard to imagine that even a friend visit would be refused on the grounds of the ridiculous "increasing the workload of relevant departments". The Shan Qing case has no state secrets at all, but the trial is not even open to the public. Can this be called the rule of law and the rule of law?
This "Chinese-style" judicial system is really daunting, because everything can be done in the name of a dictatorship.
In addition to the huge dictatorship machine, Ying Liu's second difficulty is the true face of "democrats".
Shan Qing is not a criminal, but a prisoner for democracy. It stands to reason that all those who care about human rights and support democracy should do their bit without hesitation. However, although democracy and freedom are often on the lips, when it comes time to take the CCP's quarrel, how will those democrats pay attention to these things? Power politics is the factor to consider.
The excuses I have heard are endless, such as "I don't know what he did", "It is said that he is a Trotskyist" and so on.
In fact, these kinds of statements just make people see the true colors of these people.
The reason is very simple. The work of defending political prisoners has always been like this everywhere. The standard is only based on the consideration of basic human rights. The rulers are required to disclose the truth, and no one should be detained on the basis of race, religion, belief, speech and other issues. These standards were not created by the Committee to Rescue Liu Shanqing at all.
In 1982, Amnesty International listed Liu Shanqing and dozens of editors of private Chinese publications as prisoners of conscience, which is the most powerful proof.
Defending Liu Shanqing's personal rights is actually equivalent to defending the rights of all citizens, so that they will not be trampled on by rulers at will. The reasoning is very simple.
However, some people are not true believers in democracy at all. Democracy with empty mouths doesn’t require much effort, and it may bring in an official or a half-post, but when it comes time to put his name on Liu Shanqing and ask the CCP to respect human rights, he immediately retreats.
Objective difficulties cannot be easily overcome. But Ying Liu will have a basic understanding that as long as Shan Qing has not seen the light of day again, Ying Liu's work will definitely continue.
Liu Qing, a well-known pro-democracy fighter in China, gave us a very important lesson, which is to file a complaint with the social court.
Truth is tested through practice, and history is the final judge.
Five years ago, we had already embarked on the path of suing the CCP bureaucracy for suppressing civil rights in the social court, defending Liu Shanqing with various public actions.
The so-called righteousness is often slaughtered. In the past five years, it was these humble friends who enabled the information and actions to rescue Liu Shanqing to be carried out.
Looking forward to the next five years, facing the masses and going deep into the society is the only way for Yingliu's work. Only in this way can we seek justice for Liu Shanqing.
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Wu Xuanren sin and innocence
Wu Xuanren
introduction
It has been more than five years since Liu Shanqing suffered.
Over the years, the rescue work has been intermittent, sometimes hot and sometimes weak. As Christmas approaches every year, a group of friends who have been very busy all year round naturally think of how many solidarity actions they have done for him. So that the CCP authorities think that the Liu Shanqings in Hong Kong are not easy to deal with and have not disappeared.
Part A
In the past five years, in the process of various rescues, they gradually separated into five groups of people. Although the gathering of these five groups of people has their own background and position factors, in general, one of the main factors surrounding them is Liu Shanqing's guilt or Liu Shanqing's innocence. Of course, those who think that Liu Shanqing is guilty does not mean that they do not understand Liu Shanqing. On the contrary, there are some people who are dedicated, tenacious and persistent in the rescue work; on the other hand, those who think that Liu Shanqing is innocent, They also focus on the end of the year and the beginning of the year to express their protests against the CCP in the form of more aggressive actions. On the other hand, they are usually busy with each other, and there is no detailed annual operation plan, including permanent contact with Liu's relatives, so as to obtain the latest situation.
In order to facilitate the discussion of Liu Shanqing's guilt and innocence, first of all, a brief introduction to Wudui's ideas and some comments are made.
On the international front, Amnesty International recognized Liu Shanqing as a "prisoner of conscience" at the end of 1982, a figure that the Chinese part of the association has been concerned about all the time, but has not reached the target of "special rescue". "Special rescuers", such as Lu Xiulian, who was arrested during the Human Rights Day incident in Kaohsiung, Taiwan, is one of them. Judging from an article written by Lv Xiulian recently after she was released from prison, it can be seen that there is indeed a difference between the "prisoners of conscience" and "rescue teams" in the camps they send out to teach. As far as we know, before Amnesty International decided to list Liu as part of China's "prisoners of conscience", the main information was provided by individual members of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee". These individual members themselves have done some street cultural protests in the name of the "Rescue Liu Shanqing Temporary Action Committee", as well as script creation and dramatic political actions in their own and general names. In any case, since Amnesty International has obtained the main information from this channel, the position orientation of this channel will affect the rescue decision to some extent. And we assume that between Liu Shanqing and Lu Xiulian, although there is a difference in the weight of "guilt and innocence", it is enough to affect whether they set up a "special team to rescue" or "the target of the global appeal of the year"; What position has been taken on Liu Shanqing's "criminal and innocence" and what can be analyzed in depth will be discussed in another section. Although we have always known that Amnesty International has expressly refrained from interfering in the political right and wrong of the ideology of various countries, this basic reason is enough to allow Amnesty International to avoid the issue of Liu's "crime and innocence". We also know that the CCP authorities responded to Amnesty International’s question: China has no political prisoners, only criminals. It is understandable that the work of the International Rescue Association in China is difficult to make progress.
In other respects, at the international level or in the West, the US-based "Human Rights Liaison Report" reported Liu's case in 1983; in 1982, an international student in the UK, in the name of the "British Rescue Group", reported to Ying Liu's case. At the end of 1986, Sima Jin of the American "East Asian Human Rights Association" met with several members of the Ying Liu Association, and for the first time obtained rich information about Ying Liu. None of the above situations can be said to have any orientation towards Liu's "criminal and innocence". They are only sympathetic, seeking to understand and report. Other sporadic foreign journalists or radical political believers, such as anarchists, just ask for information to report or learn about it. Strictly speaking, the international attitude towards Liu's "criminal and innocence" is not only about humanism, but not about the background, or it is an ideological leap, which is regarded as a common phenomenon of a degenerate regime.
In terms of local public opinion, apart from newspapers that must be reported from a news point of view and the right-handed strategy, it is not necessary to mention that there is indeed a group of columnists from magazines and newspapers who have tried their best to report and analyze the incident of Liu's torture. They have written special articles in the following newspapers and magazines: Common People, The 1990s, Contention, Times News, International Cities, Cultural Trends, Xin Bao C, and The Hong Kong Economic Journal. What is particularly important to mention here is that the waves of discussion aroused by the columns of the supplements such as "Mind the Motherland and Look at the World", "On Taiping Mountain" and "Education Eyes" were first promoted by Ai Fan and then demoted. After raising Liu's Trotskyist relationship and mocking the Trotskyites, Wu Nanshan indirectly wrote of his righteous indignation that Liu Shanqing refused to publish the "Open Letter" advertisement because Liu was suspected of being a Trotskyist: "Liu Shanqing is a Trotskyist. The faction should not support it, such an attitude is wrong." ("The Letter" discusses the Taipingshan [Liu Shanqing Incident No. 4]: Comments on the Shortness of "The Seventies"), and later Fang Kamei's article on grievances Appearance (or the echoes of Ah Shui and Wang Tianjun in other columns.), is already another topic to discuss the pros and cons of characters and the right and wrong of the pre-study movement to the post-cultural world.
Those who are familiar with the student movement in the 1970s and its later development, of course, know the importance of Wu Nanshan to the Chinese Trotskyist movement that followed in Hong Kong. He wrote an article like this, although he pointed out that thinking cannot be criminalized, it is not because of whether the person is a Trotskyist; because people in the domestic democracy movement have different sectarian beliefs, and the CCP suppresses them. The same as the new generation of Hong Kong, why are they more than each other? His argument is correct, but the relationship between Liu and the Trotskyists is more difficult to understand. The development is as follows: Fang Su, the executive editor of "90s", wrote an article under the pseudonym "He Li" at the end of 1983, pointing out that the fact that Liu was a Trotskyist was told to him by an "old Tuo". So far, the label of public opinion has been linked to the Liu family—the Trotskyist. So far, the author has observed that people from all walks of life who are concerned about Liu's persecution, especially the academic circles and groups, have considered Liu to be a Trotskyite member or an anonymous member. What Liu did was the sacrifice of their political beliefs. They avoided it if they could. Their deep political fear became an outlet for them to hate Trotskyites. They can no longer discuss the Liu case from the standpoint of basic political human rights.
Public opinion to this point will only hinder the broad side of Ying Liu. As an individual who never shy away from friends and groups of any political belief faction, the author once asked a key member of the Gema League at that time: Do the three small organizations of the Trotskyites in Hong Kong have the responsibility to explain it? Unfortunately, there is no positive answer. On the contrary, he said to the author: In an open forum of the Camp Liu Association held in 1983, a speaker stated that Liu Shanqing was not a Trotskyist. This explanation is important. Because it relates ordinary people to exert their sense of justice. What they want to save are "pure" young people with conscience, and those who don't want to be involved in political muddy waters, they will think that this person "has done it for himself". Of course, this average person is really immature. Who has no brain? Who has no mind? What kind of thinking is inseparable from the classification in political science.
Avoidance is not the answer. The author understands that, as an organizational principle, the Trotskyites cannot be too busy to declare whether so-and-so is a Trotskyite because it is rumored in the market that so-and-so is a Trotskyist. The Trotskyites are still in the "wartime state" they were in the CCP's opposition. The underground party has a strong atmosphere, and it is understandable that outsiders can not interfere. However, the Trotskyist movement method to expand alliances often surrounded a "hazy Trotskyist circle". All the friends who did not dislike or reject Trotskyites entered the circle. There are gains and losses. The gain is that we can discuss the political situation in more depth, and the loss is the "normal status" in the sports world. The methods used by the early years to intervene in the movement were often misrepresented as monstrous beasts; on the other hand, did the Trotskyists carefully review their approach to taking a leadership role? This is a question that only the Trotskyists can answer. Liu Shanqing has publicly stated that he is not a Trotskyite, but is he a member of the "Hazy Trotskyite Circle"?
The author has the opportunity to get a view from the Trotskyist split camp, which somewhat criticizes the shortcomings of the Hong Kong Trotskyites in this regard in the past:
"...they have gone to great lengths to get a few people from outside the mass circles directly concerned who can accept their 'revolutionary' fantasies, as well as some social workers and intellectuals who care about the public good (no Those with a political background and more open-mindedness) get a little favor..." (from "Report to the International")
From many non-formal opportunities, the author has confirmed another paragraph of the same data:
"...the work of contacting the domestic pro-democracy fighters (the only job they are proud of for the past two years)...".
Therefore, the author can think that after graduating from university, Liu Shanqing, based on his concern for the democracy movement, combined with his university friends to form a support group for the democracy movement of college students and graduates (pan-academic type), and continued the training of the university. interest. During this period, they also had contact with Trotskyist domestic groups who were doing the same work, exchanged information with each other, and worked collaboratively in manpower. Between the group and the domestic group, some of the same substantive work is inevitable. Is Liu Shanqing under such circumstances a Trotskyite? No one answered on his behalf. Was he a good friend with the Trotskyists? Almost. Therefore, he is not a Trotskyist "molecule", but a member of the obscure Trotskyist circle. Just because of this past, should the sports world abandon him?
not out
Yes, they were the third group of people rescued. They took care of his safety as personally as possible, and they could not afford to instigate a joint rescue by this group. This group of people includes public opinion groups and academic groups. An important breakthrough throughout these groups was a priest Gan Haowang from Italy. The ascetic priest promoted a joint statement of fifteen groups (eight groups in the first round) under the lowest circumstances. Their position is very clear: Liu was active in the social and student movement circles during his time in Hong Kong, and he was sincere, so they gave him a humane help. Even if he is guilty, he still expects pardon and parole. In their first round of declarations (issued in 1985), there was a subtitle that could be used to express the euphemistic meaning of guilt on behalf of others, which caused the People's Drama Club to refuse to sign it. The second round of statements (issued at the end of 1986) specified that the CCP was required to release Liu on parole. Liu Shanqing's question of "crime and innocence" is not a problem in their minds. On the one hand, they think of "kindness", and on the other hand, they lack the common sense of the CCP's political philosophy. The CCP wants people to be convicted of sexual crimes, and they don’t like to talk about humanitarianism. Parole is only given to those who surrender. Has Liu Shanqing hinted at his surrender? No. Therefore, their statement is a powerless statement to explain the scene. Except for Father Gan Haowang, who is sincere and brave. His human moral courage is respectable.
Obviously, they are still trapped in the shadow of Liu Shanqing's political beliefs, and it is best to avoid this part; let alone have any Trotskyite relationship. They broke Liu Shanqing in half to balance their conscience.
The fourth group of people should be the 1983 Chinese University Student Union and the National Society of the University of Hong Kong. Of course, it also includes some related associations in the academic circles. At that time, the Student Union of the Middle School took advantage of the cross-strait people's livelihood comparison group to go to Beijing to get a high-level Beijing official to mention the case of Liu Shanqing, which led to the "Letter of Luo Yongsheng of the Student Union of the Middle School Student Union in the Case of Liu Shanqing" issued by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court. This is undoubtedly an important breakthrough, and the CCP official finally broke the silence. From the text of the reply, we also learned that the focus of this group of people is: Has the CCP held a public trial? Are communication rights granted? Have you been arrested, prosecuted or tried according to legal procedures? The court replies generally satisfied their doubts. As far as they are concerned, the issue of "criminal and innocence" in the Liu Shanqing case is not what they are most striving for. They forget that the CCP government is very flexible, "solving specific situations in a specific way", how much legal rights are given to you is a gift, and "there is no illegal problem" in all procedures. Further analysis in this regard will be discussed in Part B of this article.
In a word, they were only interested in supplementing the work of the procuratorate, so they avoided what Liu Shanqing had in mind, should they serve prison terms.
The fifth group of people has reunited with the people around the rescue Liu Shanqing Committee. The reason why the author is so disrespectful is because the Yingliu Association is an extremely "makeshift" organization from beginning to end, and some people describe it as "participatory democracy". At the beginning, the camp was huge. It included Liu Shanqing's old and new knowledge in various periods, as well as curious magazine editors, and knowledge-seeking academic officers. , "Hong Kong Association for the Support of Chinese Democracy Movement", and college students of the same period. Afterwards, the above groups gradually dissipated. Every year, the main urges will not leave those who have the identity of Trotskyite organizations. The author's role at that time was to participate as a member of the Liaison Office of the "Hong Kong Support for Chinese Writers Action", "Hong Kong Support for the Chinese Democracy Movement Association", to assist the democratic movement in supporting the democratization of Chinese art. Therefore, I had the opportunity to get to know Liu at the work of the Chinese People's Association for the People's Republic of China, and later met again at the meeting of the "Committee for Solidarity in Poland", which had only one action. The above explanation will help clarify what the outside world (especially the deliberately labelled reports by right-wing newspapers) have a better understanding of the composition of the Ying Liu Association. In fact, in the early stage of the camp Liu work, no members gave guidance as Trotskyites. However, due to the traditional habit of meeting many people and taking on practical tasks, a lot of document drafting work naturally fell into Trotskyist members. body. Although the Trotskyists had another special article discussing Liu's case in their official publications, the drafting of the documents of the Camp Liu Hui was still balanced and concise. That is to say, there are no more spicy views, and there are only clarifications and inferences made for two or three points.
Looking at the letters submitted by the Yingliu Association to the CCP in the past five years, they often focus on the following two or three requirements: For the sake of more detail, the formulations of each year are listed first:
There are four points in the joint open letter in 1982. "It is believed that the Chinese government should: (1) inform Liu Jun's family of the place of detention; (2) state the reasons for Liu Jun's detention; (3) allow Liu Jun's relatives and friends to visit; (4) if Liu Jun is suspected of violating Chinese criminal law, he should promptly file a complaint Open trial, and protect Liu Jun's right to defend himself or to appoint a lawyer to represent him." The letter is sent to: The Standing Committee of the People's Congress of the People's Republic of China, the People's Court of Guangdong Province, China, the Public Security Bureau of Guangzhou City, Guangdong Province, and the relevant departments of the Hong Kong government .
The July 1983 letter of appeal made three demands: "(1) Immediately release Liu Shanqing; (2) publish all the facts of Liu Shanqing's case; (3) Liu Jun now has the right to be visited and communicated." Speakers are: Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, Premier of the State Council, President of the Supreme People's Court. In July of the same year, Ying Liuhui sent another letter to the President of the Supreme People's Court and the President of the Supreme People's Procuratorate in the name of the Association, "requesting the Chinese government to: (1) immediately announce the details of Liu Shanqing's case; Rehabilitation and release". In November of the same year, they again jointly signed a letter to the Premier of the State Council and the Supreme People's Court, "requesting the authorities to: (1) publish all records of Liu's case; (2) revoke the crime of "counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement", rehabilitate him, and release Liu. Sir. He spoke many times this year, and the reason for the latter letter was the response from the CUHK Student Union in response to the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court.
In December 1984, "the following requirements were emphasized: (1) to publish all the facts of Liu Shanqing's case; (2) to release Liu Shanqing immediately and rehabilitate him." The recipients of the letter were the Premier of the State Council and the President of the Supreme People's Court.
In December 1985, the Ying Liu Association issued a letter with the same request as last year to the same target.
In December 1986, the following demands were made: (1) Immediately release Liu Shanqing; (2) publish all the facts of the unjust case; (3) ensure that Liu Shanqing's relatives and friends have the right to visit. The target is the Chinese Premier of the State Council.
The above is a detailed list of the main views of Ying Liu Hui in the past five years, which are generally correct. This can be summarized into three major points, one is the right to visit and communicate, the other is the publication of the case, and the third is release and rehabilitation. In the past five years, someone has publicly announced that they have left the association because of their different opinions; he believes that the focus of the Ying Liu Association is that Chen Liu is not a mainlander, but a Hong Konger; the Hong Kong government must strive hard, even at the expense of using diplomatic channels; It is also necessary to link Liu's personal freedom with the future of Hong Kong, so that people who care about the future of Hong Kong can be touched and a larger protest situation can be formed. In addition, I do not think that it is necessary to face the CCP politically, and that all forces should focus on Liu's release. On the contrary, some people simply regard the Liu incident as part of the domestic democracy movement.
The question is: how will Ying Liu understand Liu's "guilt and innocence" problem.
From a simple conclusion, will Ying Liu think that Liu is guilty.
From an in-depth analysis, Ying Liuhui did not provide a strong defense for Liu’s innocence. Strictly speaking, Ying Liuhui did not face up to the current CCP’s constitution and legal system, and because of political recognition of the CCP’s legal system, it was in the legal sense. There is no way to save the Liu family. What is the reason for this? Let Part B discuss it.
Part B
From the current approach, there is little hope of rescuing Liu Shanqing, and it can even be said to be hopeless.
There are two reasons:
- 1. It is stated in the current "Constitution of the People's Republic of China";
─ 2 The crux of the procedure in the court hearing.
There are two more important reasons:
——First, the Communist Party’s understanding of freedom of thought and speech;
──Following are the routines and methods of overturning the case.
Let us first evaluate two reasons.
When we opened the so-called fourth "Constitution of the People's Republic of China", we found that it was full of "Deviants" and "Diamond Hoops", withdrawing the possibility of any ideological and remarks that are different from the CCP's approval, let alone protecting the Freedom of thought and speech with conditions and without restrictions. The following is an enumeration of the "Van" and "Diamond Hoop":
─The people of all ethnic groups in China will continue to adhere to the people's democratic dictatorship and the socialist road under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought... ("Preface, paragraph 8)
- The Chinese people must fight against hostile forces and elements at home and abroad that are hostile to and undermine our socialist system. (Paragraph 9 of the Preamble)
——During the long-term revolution and construction process, the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the participation of various democratic parties and people's organizations, including all socialist laborers, patriots who support socialism, and patriots who support the reunification of the motherland, have been created. A broad patriotic united front. (Paragraph 10 of the Preamble)
- The socialist system is the system of the People's Republic of China. Any organization or individual is prohibited from undermining the socialist system. (Article 1 of the "General Program")
- All power in the People's Republic of China belongs to the people. (Article 2 of the General Outline)
——The state maintains social order and suppresses treasonous and other counter-revolutionary activities... (Article 28 of the General Program)
──The privacy of correspondence of citizens of the People's Republic of China is protected by law. Except for the needs of national security or the investigation of criminal offenses, the public security organs or procuratorial organs shall conduct inspections in accordance with the procedures prescribed by law... (Chapter 2, "Basic Rights and Duties of Citizens," Article 40)
Copied here, roughly enough. We can immediately notice that although Article 35 of Chapter 2 of the Constitution "Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens" states that there is "freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association, procession, and demonstration" without a "proviso", this All these are inseparable from the need for communication, that is, to be subject to inspection at any time; plus another "province" (Article 51 of the same chapter) "When exercising freedoms and rights, the state and society must not be harmed. the collective interest and the legitimate freedoms and rights of other citizens.”
Ironically enough, the country is led by the Communist Party, and the Communist Party "leads the people of all ethnic groups in China, and under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, adheres to the truth, corrects mistakes, and overcomes many difficulties and obstacles..." ("Preface", p. eight paragraphs)
Therefore, "all power in the People's Republic of China belongs to the people" can also be translated as "all power in the People's Republic of China belongs to the people under the leadership of the Communist Party, which has "errors" that can be "corrected" and "upholds" that this party is the "truth" of". Funny, but true.
With such a constitution that the Communist Party rides on its head, Liu will find excerpts from chapters to explain Liu Shanqing's civil rights, right? Liu Shanqing also believes in socialism, but socialism has many brands and developments. What is the "socialism" of the Communist Party? What is the Communist Party's "socialist legal system"?
The Communist Party's "socialist legal system" has a clause that does not allow others to talk about, discuss, and develop the "crime of counter-revolutionary incitement" to reform socialism. Whenever citizens try the law, that is, for the purpose of "overthrowing the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system, endangering China The actions of the People’s Republic are all counter-revolutionary crimes” (Article 90 of the Criminal Law). The so-called "regime of the dictatorship of the proletariat" is the regime in which the Communist Party sits alone on the throne (as far as the Communist Manifesto is concerned, it has essentially become a counter-revolutionary first.) To oppose it, the Antmins are, of course, a serious crime. Whoever commits other serious crimes shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not less than five years” (Criminal Law Article 101). Liu Shanqing was tortured for ten years and deprived Ziwu of his "political rights" for three years. In the "socialist legal system" the court's final procedure, it is even more a pitiful procedure: the "two-instance final-instance system".
What is the "two-instance final instance" system that claims to be a more robust judicial system than the capitalist legal system? It explains:
"The implementation of the two-instance final trial system is in line with the actual situation of our country. It can not only protect the litigation rights of litigation participants and ensure the quality of case handling, but also facilitate the masses, so that the masses will not be dragged down by litigation due to excessive trial levels. , to avoid unnecessary waste of manpower and material resources; moreover, so that the case can be concluded in a timely manner, and the judgment can be executed in a timely manner." ("Criminal Procedure Law Lecture Notes" / Law Press / p. 24)
It also says:
"The judgments and rulings made by the people's courts in accordance with the second-instance procedure are final judgments and rulings, that is, legally effective judgments and rulings. Proceedings to file a protest.” (same page as book).
The indisputable conclusion of the analysis would be that the two-instance final-trial system is more arbitrary than the legal system in capitalist countries and regions. It eloquently says that it "conveniences the masses, so that the masses will not be dragged down by lawsuits due to excessive trial levels." "The case can be concluded in a timely manner, and the judgment can be executed in a timely manner." Now that the defendant is Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, a Chinese citizen suspected of "counter-revolutionary incitement", the role of the "mass" is played by the Communist regime, and it is "convenient" to "enforce" the quick-knife judgment. Take prison. In Hong Kong, the legal system is known to be five-fold and six-trial*, with the conclusion of the five-fold trial and the amnesty of the imperial court. Although the delay and waste of manpower, it is the legislative spirit of "suspect innocence theory" and "suspected points benefit the defendant", which is in line with the CCP's public security Investigations, arrests, evidence-seeking, torture, and pre-trial investigations are all different, especially the "pre-trial" system, which has already led to many unjust cases, and only needs to be sealed by the court. The "pre-trial" is dark, secret and cruel. The court's "trial" is only a procedure; ; During the pre-trial period, does the defendant have the slightest right of public defense and litigation? This is in stark contrast to the right to silence and the legal aid system within the capitalist legal system.
Therefore, it is hopeless for Ying Liuhui to send a letter to the Supreme People's Court or the Supreme Procuratorate to protest. In terms of the current legal system of the CCP, the sentence against Liu Shanqing is an irreversible road of no return, unless Liu Shanqing, like the Rover model, pleads guilty to commutation, or surrenders and reforms. According to the current constitution of the CCP, "the people's court system shall not be interfered by administrative organs, social groups and individuals" (Article 126, Section VII of the Constitution, "People's Courts and People's Procuratorates"). , it is a dead end again. Unless the State Council asks the National People's Congress to dismiss the members of the collegial panel of the trial court or the trial committee for a retrial, will Zhao Ziyang do so?
Considering the humanitarian approach, according to the current constitution, only one person can issue an amnesty order. He is the president of the state. Will Li Xiannian issue an amnesty order for Liu Shanqing? Opportunities are like a sand in the Ganges River, but Ying Liuhui and even Gan Haowang have ignored this road.
Don't let go of the word "ignore" lightly. It is the bad habit of all activists to be ruthless and restrictive. When it comes to rescuing Liu Shanqing, no one dared to denounce the CCP, and no one dared to expose the weaknesses and ineffectiveness of the current constitution and criminal law, illegal and arbitrary, outdated and abnormal. We know that the National People's Congress is just a rubber stamp that pursues the will of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. How can we accept the constitution it concocted—a constitution that is manipulated from start to finish by a dictatorial bureaucracy! A fake party calling itself the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat can step over the book and trample on the book's constitution at any time!
According to common sense, what sin is Liu Shanqing! ?
Just because Liu Shanqing offended Long Yan of the Kleptocratic Group. There are so many people in Hong Kong who dare to offend them all the time. Liu Shanqing is only our scapegoat. Because of rescuing Liu Shanqing who took our "sin" on our behalf, we have to shamelessly admit the honorific titles of the bureaucrats of the kleptocratic group, and talk about "reason" with them. To seek "love" from it is not commensurate with our traditional thinking. In the unjust court of the year, before the death sentence, Socrates only said coldly, "I will die, and you will live, which is better, only God knows." Similarly, on the eve of the French Revolution, Zola Noodles Roaring to the Royal Court: "I accuse"! Liu Shanqing is still in prison, which is much more noble than our attitude of lowering ourselves. He is a geek in the Hong Kong student movement and social movement. He is one level higher than Confucius's narration but not writing; See progress. Of course Liu Shanqing is innocent, but the kleptocratic group and its tools are guilty.
Probably this is not enough to convince people to determine Liu Shanqing's innocence.
People will say this and that, that China can no longer withstand major changes, that change does not mean violent revolution, that Liu Shanqing has something to do with Trotskyites after all, that the CCP has created a moderately prosperous situation, that Hong Kong should not interfere in China's internal affairs, and more. Many reasons...
Undoubtedly, the Chinese Communist Party has a certain past, which is the same as we are sure that capitalism took democracy and freedom from the feudalists in the early stage. The world is always changing, and it should become more and more reasonable, in line with the needs of the people, and in line with the needs of humanity. In order to prevent backsliding, revolution is the equivalent of a new moon. In today's human history, there is also a constitution belonging to the capitalist world, stating that the people can have weapons to jointly overthrow unpopular governments, and socialist governments are worthy of it. Although violence has brought about another violence and ruins, isn't the kleptocratic group's resistance to the expression of the people's thoughts and speeches pushing the people to the dead end of violence? The CCP has a history of infighting. The Trotskyites are only one faction in the infighting. They are even historical relics. The Trotskyist movement that has continued in Hong Kong is at best a voice of admonition. It still has many programs in common with the CCP. It even named it the "Revolutionary Communist Party", and it looked at the world in accordance with Marxist analysis. Why should the Communist Party be afraid of a friend? And Liu Shanqing is just a friend of his friend. He communicated with pro-democracy activists, and he brought some Hong Kong folk magazines (including Trotskyist publications, according to the cloud) for the pro-democracy activists. In the end, he still visited the family members of the pro-democracy activists who had failed and been cleaned up, which is worth the CCP's 10-year prison sentence. This regime is too unconfident of itself.
The current Communist Party of China will surely perish in the future history, and the era of extinction is coming soon, because it is afraid of the wind and grass, afraid of people's thoughts and speeches, forcing the people to be silent, and the people can only take action.
The Communist Party will not conduct self-criticism on its own behavior, unless the infighting has a result, one faction overwhelms the other, and the overturning of the case only serves the political interests of the newly established faction.
The people and history will naturally rehabilitate him and give him precious affirmation.
The author once again emphasizes the conclusion of this article that Liu Shanqing is innocent and innocent. He is not only innocent and innocent, but he is also a model of our new generation in China, Hong Kong. As a member of the Camp Liu Association, the author suggests that we should change our minds: instead of begging for pity in front of the enemy, we should constantly miss him and learn from him in front of the enemy.
What faction is not a problem, the most important thing is what he does, striding towards the tomorrow of Chinese democracy!
March 1, 1987
* Prosecution procedures in Hong Kong law: The Legal Department decides whether to prosecute or not as the first instance; the first instance in the magistrates or the District Court is the second instance; the original court of the High Court is transferred to the third instance; the appeal court of the High Court is the fourth instance; appeal to the United Kingdom The Privy Council has five trials; that is, there are five trials in total, and the final pardon by the Emperor is six trials.
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Liang Guoxiong Inheritance in the Same Line: The Significance of Liu Shanqing's Prison
Liu Shanqing has been in prison for more than five years. However, there are still different opinions on the case of Liu, and there is no consensus! The purpose of this article is to re-introduce Liu Shanqing’s imprisonment and clarify various rumors about Liu’s case in the context of the information disclosed by the CCP on Liu’s case, as well as other information disclosed by Liu Jun’s relatives and friends.
Liu Shanqing was arrested in Guangzhou during the Christmas holiday in December 1981. The purpose of Liu Shanqing's trip is to visit the families of He Qiu and Wang Xizhe. Why is Du Shanqing arrested and imprisoned when thousands of overseas Chinese return to China to visit relatives and friends every day?
Liu Shanqing was arrested and imprisoned for profound and long-term reasons. First of all, as far as the visit is concerned, Liu Shanqing's trip to the north coincided with the aftermath of the CCP authorities launching a wave of comprehensive suppression of the democratic movement in our country. In April 1981, the CCP authorities searched all over the country for the heads and key members of private publications, civil society organizations, in an attempt to smash the pro-democracy movement that started from the Tiananmen Square Incident on April 5 and ignited the Beijing Spring in one fell swoop. According to the recollections of survivors of the pro-democracy movement in Beijing and other places, at the end of March 1981, the All-China People's Press Association organized a national petitioning group to go to Beijing to negotiate face-to-face with the relevant officials of the authorities, and persuade the authorities to abandon the nine-point plan to comprehensively suppress the pro-democracy movement. number file. And it plans to hold a press conference in Beijing after the negotiation is invalid, accusing the CCP authorities of suppressing the people's democratic rights.
However, instead of ignoring the legitimate demands of the pro-democracy fighters, the CCP authorities intensified their efforts and responded to the fighters' protests with shackles and prisons. The bureaucrats first detained members of the petition group in Beijing and on their way to Beijing, and then they detained key figures of the folk magazines across the country. So far, those in power of the CCP have single-handedly shattered the illusion of democracy created by themselves! When the people themselves rose up to exercise their democratic rights and demanded the realization of the people's power, the hypocritical bureaucrats did not hesitate to tear off the democratic painting, revealing their dictatorial face, and brazenly stifled the nascent democratic movement. This was because the Polish bureaucracy had preceded it; In the eyes, it has become a living grass that avoids the mistakes of the past
He Qiu and Wang Xizhe, two Chinese citizens, were among the arrested pro-democracy fighters who protested against the CCP's strangulation of civil rights in order to insist on exercising their inalienable rights, risking their own safety and risking peril.
He Qiu was one of the leaders of the All-China Folk Journal Association, which was established in 1980. In order to insist on publishing the folk magazines "The Road of the People" and "Free Talk", as well as to organize the National Association of Private Periodicals, he has already entered and exited the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau several times.
Wang Xizhe, one of the authors of the famous "Li Yizhe Big Character Poster", has been detained and criticized for posting and distributing his previous works during the rampant era of the Gang of Four. After the downfall of the Gang of Four, he was formally arrested. However, he was released due to the running call of Guangzhou citizens and overseas people. After being released from prison, he insisted on joining the democratic movement that originated in the Beijing Spring. He devoted himself to writing theoretical articles on socialist democracy and reviewing our country's political ills, and became a theoretical worker and a well-known contributor to the democracy movement. He was entrusted by the National People's Association to handle the formalities of its official publication "Responsibility", and held high the banner of the lone army that marked the indomitable spirit of the pro-democracy fighters. It can be said that "iron shoulders bear morality and stubborn articles".
As a result, both of them, like other pro-democracy fighters, became "heretics" in the twentieth century, and were sentenced to ten and fourteen years in prison by the CCP's "Holy See" for a new crime of "heresy"—counter-revolutionary. . The only difference is that He was arrested on the way to the petition, and Wang was arrested at the place where he worked, a cod liver oil factory.
The political views of Wang and He cannot be discussed in detail here. But in any case, people have to admit their courage and determination to fight for democracy to the end; they have to agree with the goals that the two people (and the entire democracy movement) strive for (such as the people's right to elect, recall people's representatives and state officials, have speech, publication, Freedom of assembly and association) is actually the power and rights of the Chinese people, and it is also the goal of the struggle of generations of Chinese people.
I believe that anyone who recognizes the people as masters of the country believes that the basic propositions of Wang and He represent the interests and aspirations of the Chinese people. Based on this, solidarity and even condolences to them should not be a crime, but a proper righteousness.
Therefore, since the CCP arrested pro-democracy fighters in April 1981, the voices of overseas solidarity have continued, and it is not without reason. As a friend of Wang and He, as a person who actively supported the pro-democracy movement, Liu Shanqing's trip to Guangzhou in the middle of winter in 1981 was just one part of the many voices of support. The difference is that he did not hesitate to commit difficulties alone, fulfilled the responsibility of a friend, and personally condoled to the families of Wang and He. If Liu Shanqing is guilty of visiting his family, why is he innocent of issuing a public statement in solidarity with the arrested pro-democracy fighters?
In fact, before the pro-democracy movement was not suppressed and the pro-democracy fighters would not be jailed, there were countless Hong Kong people who sympathized with the pro-democracy movement and traveled north to visit people from the public press. Among them, no less than ten people were detained by the customs for questioning. It's just that the CCP was limited by the situation at that time, and it did not blatantly arrest or imprison it. Once the CCP's intention to suppress it has been decided, that is to say, it will not be polite to deal with these northbound guests. The most thrilling among them is the arrest of Wu Zhongxian, one of the leaders of the Trotskyite organization "Gema League". Wu was arrested in late March 1981 on his way to visit the person in charge of a domestic private magazine, and finally escaped prison by signing a confession and admitting to being a counter-revolutionary. Afterwards, according to Wu Zhi's narration, the CCP not only asked him to disclose the situation of the domestic civil society and Hong Kong's support for the pro-democracy movement, but also arranged for him to go undercover in the Gema League after returning to Hong Kong. There is no doubt that Shan Qing and other supporters of the domestic pro-democracy movement have long been the targets of the CCP's spy system. The only question is when, where, and how to set an example. It is known that after Wu Zhongxian returned to Hong Kong, in addition to publicizing his experience, he also informed all concerned people that they were taking precautions. Shan Qing and Zhong Xian also knew each other, so Liu Ying knew that the trip at the end of August 1 was no different from the trip to Hushan. However, why did Liu Shanqing know that there are tigers in the mountains, so he prefers to travel in the mountains?
Liu Shanqing did not get tired of the hardships and decided to go alone, just as the old saying goes: "Although there are thousands of people, I will go."
Indeed, for friends who have never experienced the radicalization of students and youth, and who have never participated in supporting the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong, this is a big puzzle. Because of this, there are various rumors in the market (actually, pressure groups and political opinion groups active in social movements), forming false stories. Shan Qing went to Guangzhou alone, naturally it was not a "little person who wants to do big things" as those who like to talk sarcastically. It is true that Shan Qingbi was a small person who participated in the student movement in the same period. He could neither be the president of the student union, nor be a scholar that some people flock to, and even be a politician. However, he maintained the remnants of the student radical movement in the 1970s, and in the flames of his social practice, he refined these literary spirits into practical actions to change the society.
In the academies of the 1970s, there was no shortage of colonial enslavement educators who criticized and lashed out against the British government in Hong Kong. Actors are not a small group. Shan Qing, among the college students who were regarded as social elites in the enslavement education, resolutely criticized the colonial and capitalist systems, and re-examined the reality that our country, called socialism, was actually a bureaucratic dictatorship. Like other contemporaries in the student movement, he participated in almost all struggles against colonial rule, for the rights of the masses and in solidarity with the people of the country for democracy. (For example, opposing increased military spending, supporting the Tiananmen Square Incident on April 5)
After graduating, Shan Qing did not keep the passion of his student days as a topic of memory; on the contrary, he further established the "Xin Qing Society" with like-minded people, dedicated to serving the workers who were despised and deprived by the society. Shan Qing and his colleagues hope that through education, young workers can realize their own situation, find a way to change the unreasonable phenomenon and the establishment of the society, and thus practice actions to change the society. During this period, in addition to teaching cultural knowledge, Shan Qing participated in social events such as the Golden Jubilee School Resumption Struggle and Yato's bid for landing with the members of the Society. As a teacher, Shan Qing has educated many young workers; and from the workers, he has also learned a lot of truth that cannot be obtained from books—the fact that workers are exploited and oppressed. These social practices make Shan Qing firmly believes that he must work with the working people to change the unreasonable system of society.
Anyone who participates in the reform of Hong Kong society will inevitably encounter the problem of "China's shadow": to change Hong Kong's colonial system, it is inevitable to consider the issue of China taking back Hong Kong.
Since Hong Kong wants to break away from colonial rule, it is natural to return to the motherland. But is the motherland under CCP rule the ideal destination? The answer is naturally no. The CCP's dictatorship is not, as it claims to be, a socialist country where the people are the masters of the country, but a privileged country ruled by a handful of rulers. The so-called "China shadow" obviously means that when Hong Kong people return to the motherland, they are worried that they will also accept the bureaucratic rule of the CCP. On the one hand, as a socialist who stood on the side of the toiling masses, on the other hand, as a nationalist who resolutely opposed colonial rule, Shan Qing was bound to face the reality of domestic bureaucratic rule. Like many college students and young people of the same era, he believes that China must implement a thorough political reform, abolish the one-party dictatorship, and realize a socialist democratic system in which the people are the masters of the country. The difference is that he is more keen to evolve knowledge into action, to change or practice social criticism and concern for the democratization of the motherland.
Without democracy in China, there will be no democracy in Hong Kong. This assertion is now widely accepted. However, before the 1997 issue emerged, before the British Empire officially announced the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty, many people (including many political stars who swore democracy at present) not only shied away from colonial rule, but even supported it. They don't feel shameful, so they stay away from the struggle of the people of the motherland for democracy, and ignore them accordingly. Shan Qing's insights back then are nothing less than the testimony of his later words and deeds, and it is the best self-defense book.
At the end of 1978, the perseverance and perseverance of the domestic masses achieved due results. Under the pressure of the masses, the new ruling party of the CCP had to reverse the part of history that had been turned upside down, and rehabilitated the Tiananmen Square incident on April 5, which was rated as a "counter-revolutionary political incident". Encouraged by the victory, the enthusiasm of the masses reached its peak. People finally broke through the barriers of many restrictions, shouted the voice of democracy with their own mouths, and wrote a new page in the history of the democratic movement in our country with their own hands.
From the end of 1978 to the beginning of 1979, the Chinese people, adhering to the fighting spirit of April 5, resolutely set off a wave of democracy that shook the world and launched the "Beijing Spring" democratic movement. People used paste, ink, and rough paper to build a wall in Xidan, Beijing, into a people's democratic position—the Democracy Wall. People turned Tiananmen Square and the streets of Beijing into the real Great Hall of the People with their generous and sonorous tone and enthusiastic passion. In this huge and boundless hall, people rallied, demonstrated, lectured, debated, and advocated and fought for democracy and reform. The people are no longer worthy of being verbally called the driving force of history by some great figures, they are truly promoting the process of history with their own strength. The establishment of new things such as the Democracy Wall, private publications, and non-governmental organizations has marked the awakening of the people, and demonstrated that people are determined to make the rights that were already at their fingertips, and to create history with the hands of creating social wealth.
But the CCP bureaucracy is not willing to overwhelm its privileged boat in the wave of democracy. The bureaucrats must repeat the old tricks of the father of Yu Dayu, using violence to build the embankment of power and cut off the tide of democracy. The CCP will use bans and arrests to prevent the convergence of mass movements before the struggle to improve their lives and the democratic movement converge. The arrest of Wei Jingsheng and others, the blocking of local newspapers, and the Democracy Wall have exposed the bureaucrats' intention to stifle the nascent pro-democracy movement. But despite this, local newspapers and civic organizations did not give in, and the survivors were not intimidated by the suppression, but instead strengthened their determination to dedicate themselves to the democratic movement. The pro-democracy fighters continued to run magazines and participated in other mass struggles and achieved results. The pro-democracy movement re-emerged in a bad political atmosphere, and showed its vigor of recovery at the end of the 1980s. is developing rapidly.
Seeing that the CCP’s suppression of killing chickens and warning monkeys was ineffective, in 1981 (not to mention the above), pro-democracy activists were comprehensively arrested in order to eradicate the pro-democracy movement that had lasted for several years.
In the development process of the democracy movement mentioned above, Liu Shanqing was not discouraged by the suppression and setbacks of the democracy movement; on the contrary, as he communicated more and more with the democracy movement fighters and was inspired by the bureaucratic suppression of the democracy movement, he became more and more aware that the CCP’s dictatorship of official treatment was hindering the development of Chinese society. The shackles of the people, thus strengthening the determination that only the people are the masters, can all kinds of evils in Chinese society be eliminated.
From 1979 to 1981, Shan Qing went north to visit pro-democracy fighters many times, communicated with them, and provided spiritual and material support. In the process, he gradually changed from a curious and passionate visitor to an active supporter who felt the same way, so that he did not avoid difficulties and went to visit Wang and He's family and was imprisoned.
In view of the fact that after Shan Qing's case was made public, there were all kinds of rumors circulating in the market. It is rumored that Shan Qing's arrest "must have a reason", which is definitely not easy for outsiders to understand. Due to similar slander, the Liu Shanqing incident has been gradually cast a layer of mystery, which makes ordinary people have the idea of keeping a distance from it, which hinders the rescue work. The author hopes to express what I know about the situation in Kazhong, so that the light of facts can kill the mold of the above rumors.
As we all know, from 1979 to 1981, there was an endless stream of people who returned to China to visit folk magazines. Based on his political views, Liu Shanqing naturally regards the pro-democracy movement as a force for promoting China's socialist democracy and legal system, and it is not surprising that he returns to China to support and contact pro-democracy fighters. At that time, overseas supporters generally contacted and supported the democracy movement in the following ways: First, in response to the CCP’s policy of ignoring the people’s information blockade, they brought books, newspapers and magazines back to China for the reference of the democracy movement fighters, and communicated with them to promote mutual understanding. Ideological development; secondly, on the return trip, I will bring back the private journals and individual articles for publication, so that more people can understand and resonate with the democratic movement, and win more sympathy and support. The third is to convey the facts of the CCP’s suppression of the pro-democracy movement and the protests of the people’s magazines to Hong Kong as soon as possible to organize solidarity. Later, with the development of the pro-democracy movement, the range of visitors became wider and wider, and the network of contacts also expanded and deepened. In order to cope with the CCP's intensified suppression and making things difficult for overseas visitors (at the customs), more rigorous channels and systems have been formed to maintain contact. Liu Shanqing and a group of friends, in order to more effectively connect and support the democracy movement, jointly established the "China Democracy Movement Information Center". In addition to constantly contacting the folk magazines and civil society organizations in South China, the center also publishes a "Monthly Newsletter", which regularly reports on the development of the democracy movement and reprints the folk magazines; and systematically introduces the Chinese democracy movement overseas in an English version.
Undoubtedly, the CCP is extremely hostile to this group that stands out overseas to support the pro-democracy movement, exposes the CCP’s suppression of the pro-democracy movement from time to time, and organizes overseas people to protest against the CCP’s suppression of democracy. Liu Shanqing and others were at the juncture in March 1981 when the CCP explicitly banned civilian publications, and they were just returning to China to contact pro-democracy activists and expose the CCP’s scandalous behavior. From the CCP's standpoint, they are clearly the so-called "anti-communist and anti-China" elements.
When the CCP comprehensively suppressed the pro-democracy movement, domestic pro-democracy fighters were arrested one after another. For a time, the usual contact was interrupted, the whereabouts of the arrested pro-democracy fighters were a mystery, and their fate was in jeopardy, which hindered overseas support work. Liu Shanqing resolutely went north to visit Wang and He, in order to break this silent sadness, and Jiang Wang, He and Yu hoped to cover up these filthy deeds in order to maintain their democracy and rule of law. However, since the launch of the mass arrests at the end of 1981, the central government's scandal was quickly exposed by overseas supporters of the pro-democracy movement, causing a series of criticisms and accusations. The CCP is naturally very annoyed by this, and speculates that there is a certain degree of "secret connection" between overseas supporters and the pro-democracy movement. In the short term, these linkages will have the supporting role of disclosure; in the long run, they will be more effective when the pro-democracy movement emerges in the next stage. Therefore, the CCP will never give up any opportunity to rectify those who support the pro-democracy movement.
Therefore, during Liu Shanqing's trip at the end of 1981, although he just wanted to do his duty as a friend and go north to express his condolences to Wang and He's family, the CCP will never let him off the hook. Politics, especially bureaucracy under the power, is one of the most powerful social dyes, and it can dye anything into a political event. While overseas supporters of the pro-democracy movement were watching and hesitating, Liu Shanqing offered his condolences to Wang and He alone. This was an ordinary thing, but it actually became a public contempt protest against the CCP's suppression of the pro-democracy movement. Does the CCP allow Liu Shanqing to return to Hong Kong safely, doesn’t it mean to let him expose the rotten smell of his persecution of the pro-democracy movement to the sun? What's more, does this more indirectly encourage others to return to China to visit other family members and continue to contact the survivors of the pro-democracy movement? Liu Shanqing, as a well-known activist supporting the democracy movement in Hong Kong, took him under the knife and counted his old and new accounts together.
Therefore, the reason why Liu Shanqing was imprisoned was not only because he visited Wang and He's family, but because the CCP wanted to eradicate overseas people to support the domestic democracy movement. The CCP imprisoned Liu Shanqing for two important reasons: First, Shanqing has been in contact with pro-democracy fighters in Hong Kong and China for a long time, which has led overseas to pay attention to domestic pro-democracy movements. Second, when the democracy movement was in crisis, Shan Qing set an example and showed his respect and support to the people of the democracy movement with his actions. The CCP did not hesitate to imprison Shanqing at the risk of the world. In fact, just like the ancient cruel generals and criminals showing their heads to the public, they deter supporters of the democracy movement and make them realize the price of being a democracy fighter. On the other hand, if Liu Shanqing is at ease with his military career and does not care about world affairs, the motherland may only be a place for him to travel and play, and it will never become a place of punishment. And if he is silent after the pro-democracy movement is suppressed, his "sin" will not become "punishment".
In this sense, the case of Liu Shanqing is in the same line. It is in the same vein. First of all, it is seen in the repression of the CCP’s bureaucratic autocracy. Liu Shanqing, as a fighter who resolutely strives for the people to be the masters of the country, his experience is a continuation of thousands of people with lofty ideals, and it is also another crime of the CCP’s suppression of democracy. At the same time, Liu Shanqing started out as a traitor who was enslaved by the colony and educated the hallowed disciples, and went to identify with the master power of the hardworking people, and further evolved the sentiment of caring about the development of socialist democracy in the country into concrete support for the domestic democratic movement, which is confirmed in the capital. He is a true democracy fighter who walks the talk. He was arrested and imprisoned, it can be said that he was not reconciled or ashamed to serve in the camp, and spent his life as a "four-child career", and he was determined to contribute himself to the Chinese people and strive to be the master of the country. This line, in fact, is the line in which tens of millions of people in the country are fighting for democracy, and it is inherited from the struggle of the Chinese toiling masses for hundreds of years.
Between Jing and Wei, where is the water, isn't it clear?
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Xiangmu Rescue the pro-democracy activists, everyone is responsible
Elephant wood
The Chinese government, which claims to be run by the people, has been in power since 1949 and has continued to suppress and trample human rights. People's lives and property are not guaranteed, and even the most basic freedoms of speech and thought cannot be enjoyed. . Even those in power are no exception, because when they lose power, they can be treated horribly. The reason for this is the lack of the "democratic" system that the vast majority of Chinese compatriots have longed for.
A government that truly belongs to the people, and the people have the right to criticize, oppose or approve of various policies. This is also the most basic right and obligation entrusted to every compatriot by the new Chinese constitution.
Therefore, a group of young people who have experienced the suffering of the nation, seeing many bad things, have the courage to criticize and put forward sincere opinions, hoping to work hard to build a democratic and free motherland.
This set of Chinese compatriots, using the rights conferred by the Constitution, issued their opinions and criticized the maladministration by printing and distributing non-governmental publications. Regrettably, the authorities could not tolerate even the slightest bit of freedom, and sentenced them to prison on trumped-up charges with no evidence and no arraignment. But the rulers forget that there are a billion heads in action in China. Unless all the people are in prison, the spark of democracy will not be extinguished. Some people may think that this is the misfortune of the pro-democracy movement, but if viewed from another angle, it can awaken countless compatriots who are indulging in their fantasies and visions, and once again affirm the importance of fighting for democracy.
Similarly, when Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou on December 25, 1981 to visit the families of pro-democracy activists, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison by the Chinese government on trumped-up charges for which no evidence could be produced. What is the legal basis and basis for visiting the family members of the pro-democracy activists? After being detained, the trial is delayed in public, and what is the legal basis?
In Hong Kong, facing the question of the future, many people hope to establish a highly autonomous Hong Kong government to continue to enjoy a prosperous and stable life. The idea is very simple, because they all want to be on their own, but forget the relationship between lips and teeth. How can Hong Kong enjoy a high degree of autonomy when the majority of compatriots are still unable to obtain democracy and freedom?
In today's society where everyone is obsessed with making money or busy with immigration, in addition to asking the Chinese government to act in accordance with the constitution and release Liu Shanqing as soon as possible, I also hope that the Chinese people in Hong Kong or overseas will be concerned about sacrificing for the future of the nation. pro-democracy activists who have lost their freedom or even their lives, reaching out to support the movement to demand their release. Please don't forget that blood is thicker than water. Therefore, even if you are in a different place, can the changes in China be invisible?
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He Zhiling Recent Report
Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee
Organized by He Zhiling
It has been more than five years since Liu Shanqing and Liu Shanqing have been together for more than five years.
Where exactly is he? What crime was committed? Under the torment of five years in prison, what has happened to your mental outlook and physical health? When will he be able to regain his freedom and reunite with his relatives and friends? ...
Every time I miss Liu Shanqing, there are always doubts.
It was only last month that I had the opportunity to learn about Liu Shanqing's life in prison from friends. Although it was fragmentary, I was able to have a clearer understanding of what happened when he was trapped in prison. Now I would like to organize and report what I have heard, so that friends who care about Liu Shanqing can have a deeper understanding of his "five years of life" and the feelings of his family.
After Liu Shanqing's disappearance, family members are running around
Since Liu Shanqing's family found out that their son was missing, they went out to seek assistance from the Hong Kong Police Station and other government departments. But it was in vain. He also went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau four times to inquire and ask to visit Liu Shanqing, but was rejected by the authorities on the grounds of "no knowledge" or "the case has not been concluded."
Father and son meet, sorrow and joy
It was not until early 1983, after Liu Shanqing was arranged for a "public trial" by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court and sentenced to ten years in prison, that his family members were allowed to visit the prison in the Guangdong Meixian Labor Camp. (The family members were not known to attend the interrogation beforehand.)
After years of running around, Father Liu was able to meet Shan Qing at the labor camp in Meixian County, Guangdong, in early 1983. It is reported that since Liu Shanqing was arrested by the CCP at the end of 1981, he has been held in solitary confinement in the Guangzhou Detention Center for more than a year, and can only leave his cell (release) twice a year; because he is often asked by the CCP to cooperate and plead guilty, coupled with his long-term detention Solitary confinement, resulting in a depressed mood and almost a mental breakdown during the first year in prison.
Father Liu was able to learn about the whereabouts of his beloved son and reunite after a long absence under the many twists and turns, which brought him infinite joy, but when he recalled that the person in front of him had suffered so much and would lose his freedom for a long time, he could not help but feel sad.
Transferred to the Meixian labor camp, the living conditions are still reasonable
After Liu Shanqing was convicted and sentenced by the court in February 1983, he officially left the Guangzhou Detention Center and was transferred to the Meixian Labor Camp to serve his sentence. Under the "improving" environment, his mental health has made significant progress, and the cadre of the labor camp once said: "Liu Shan's behavior in Qing Prison is good and diligent."
At the same time, in addition to the right to visit the prison, his family members can also send books, periodicals and letters to Liu Shanqing, which must be reviewed by the authorities before they are transferred to him after they consider it "helpful" to his thoughts.
Liu Shanqing still insists on innocence
It is reported that the CCP authorities have repeatedly asked Liu Shanqing to cooperate and plead guilty, but he still believes he is innocent.
The family letter to the authorities, hoping that Shanqing will be commuted
In February 1987, Liu Shanqing's family sent a letter to the authorities through a local lawyer, requesting approval for Shanqing's commutation of sentence, but there has been no response so far.
It is understood that his family felt that his parents were old and lacked care; his behavior in prison was good; and he had dedicated many years of labor to the country; today, after serving more than five years in prison, it is also the right time to ask for a commutation of the sentence. His family deeply hopes that Liu Shanqing can regain his freedom as soon as possible!
Liu Shanqing Arrested for Supporting Chinese Democracy Movement
To this day, although many people or groups have repeatedly requested the CCP to publish the facts of Liu Shanqing's case (including the charges, evidence, crime history, and defense statements, etc.), the authorities still seem to be deliberately concealing the truth of the incident, turning a deaf ear to relevant voices and making People in the community are puzzled.
According to reports, Liu Shanqing was arrested and imprisoned for his support of the Chinese democracy movement, the organization of the All-China Association of Private Journals by those who supported the democracy movement, and the publication of non-governmental publications.
The CCP has expressed its determination to comprehensively suppress the domestic democratic movement; because the movement itself is constantly challenging the CCP’s undemocratic rule, there is no doubt that the arrest of Liu Shanqing is a continuation of the CCP’s comprehensive suppression of the domestic democratic movement.
1987
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Memorabilia of Liu Shanqing's Murder Incident
A committee to rescue Liu Shanqing
eighty-one
On 25/12, Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou to visit the families of arrested pro-democracy activists (Wang Xizhe, He Qiu) in China. He was originally scheduled to return to Hong Kong on 27/12, but his whereabouts were unknown from the beginning.
1982
From January to February, Liu's father went to Kwun Tong Police Station, People's Immigration Department and other relevant agencies to ask for assistance in inquiring about Liu Shanqing's whereabouts, but no help was given.
23/2 Liu's father and Liu Shanqing wrote a friendly letter to the Chief Secretary's Office, requesting the Hong Kong government to investigate the truth about Liu Shanqing's disappearance in China (a local resident).
13/3 When Liu's father went to the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau, he was verbally informed that Liu Shanqing was detained for violating the national criminal law, but he refused to disclose the reason for the arrest and did not allow Liu's father to visit Liu Shanqing.
25/4 The Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee held the first press conference to announce the disappearance of Liu Shanqing. Conduct a public signature campaign, calling on the Chinese government to announce the reasons for Liu's detention, conduct a public trial and enjoy the right to be visited.
In mid-June, Liu's father went to Guangzhou again, but was neglected by the cadres of the Public Security Bureau and received no reception.
Published a collection of impressions of Liu Shanqing, describing his thoughts and behaviors through Liu's friendly writing.
A poster was printed to announce the arrest of Liu Shanqing.
An open letter was published in the common people's Banyue, calling on all walks of life to help Liu's disappearance.
Members of the British Parliament who are concerned about Hong Kong affairs asked the Parliament about overseas affairs officials, but they replied that Japan and the United Kingdom are not responsible for the safety of the Chinese in Hong Kong going to the mainland.
5/8 The signed open letters collected by double registered mail (about 400) will be sent to the State Council of China.
4/9 As there was no news of the letter sent, I sent three representatives to the Hong Kong branch of China's Xinhua News Agency to submit a signed letter, which was rejected by the Xinhua News Agency staff.
On 18/9, 6,000 leaflets were distributed at the anti-Japanese mass rally in Victoria Park, demanding the release of Liu Shanqing, and more than 100 people signed a reply letter expressing support.
On 6/10, the Hong Kong government replied to Liu’s father and Friendship regarding Liu Shanqing’s whereabouts, stating that the British Embassy in Beijing had inquired about the Chinese government, and the authorities replied that Liu Shanqing had returned to China with a home-return permit (so he was a Chinese citizen) and was detained for illegal acts. The Committee to Rescue Liu Shanqing held the second press conference, announcing the government's reply letter, requesting to disclose what the so-called "illegal act" is?
1983
On 23/3, Liu's father went to Guangzhou again and was received by the clerk of the Guangdong Intermediate People's Court. He verbally informed Liu's father that Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison, but he refused to disclose the reason for the sentence and refused to allow Liu's father's request to visit the prison.
3/4 The Committee to Rescue Liu Shanqing held the third press conference to protest Liu Shanqing's ten years in prison and demand the immediate release of Liu.
13/4 Amnesty International listed Liu Shanqing and the pro-democracy activists (30 people) who were successively arrested in April 1981 as prisoners of conscience, and called on the Chinese government to release the above-mentioned people immediately.
On 29/7, the Committee to Rescue Liu Shanqing held the fourth press conference, and went to the representatives of the Hong Kong People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, asking them to inquire about the reasons for the unreasonable sentence of Liu Shanqing, a resident of Hong Kong, to the Chinese government on their behalf, and to reflect public opinion.
7/9 Luo Yongsheng, President of the Chinese University Student Union, received a reply letter from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court regarding the inquiry into Liu Shanqing's case. The letter refers to Liu: "Violating Article 102 of the Criminal Law: engaging in counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, and sentenced to ten years in prison."
18/9 The Association distributed 6,000 copies of the leaflet of the statement of defense against the "sentence" outside the September 18 anti-Gafeng mass rally.
On 23/10, the Association held the "Open Forum on Liu Shanqing's Difficulties". Special contributors Fang Su, Gan Haowang and Liang Yaozhong analyzed Liu's case from various perspectives, such as legal system, counter-revolution, friendship and ambition, and accepted the opinions of the participants. The representative of the association also expressed the position of the association at the same time, reiterating the demand for speedy redress and release of Liu Shanqing.
1/11 The Hong Kong University Student Union "Kuo Shi Society" issued a statement of support for Liu Shanqing's sentencing in "The People".
20/11 The Association once again launched a joint open letter to reiterate the objections and demands of people from all walks of life to the judgment.
15/12 The Association has been informed that the "Guo Shi" organization, three post-secondary student groups, is about to jointly take action on the Liu case. Among them, a joint opinion letter to the relevant Chinese authorities, a draft of which has been prepared for distribution. In addition, local social activists have also started the drafting of a group opinion statement. It is reported that the statement was sent to various groups in January 1984.
25/12 To commemorate the second anniversary of Liu Shanqing's death, the Association decided to publish a long-term journal "Always" to spread information and promote rescue work.
1984
22/9 Min Lai Drama Club's film "In Search of a Hong Kong Theater" premiered at the "China Eager Poems Recitation Exhibition" hosted by the Fringe Club. The party also selected and recited the poems written by Qiling for Liu Shanqing. The film was subsequently screened in Nice and at various community and community centres in Hong Kong.
30/12 Eight groups jointly signed a letter requesting an amnesty to be submitted to Xinhua News Agency, hoping that the Chinese authorities could commute the sentence and release Liu Shanqing as soon as possible. During this period, he also sent a letter to Ji Pengfei, who was visiting Hong Kong, requesting that he be transferred to Chen for a reduction in his criminality.
1985
In April, when Liu Hui participated in the commemoration of the 10th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Incident, a special issue published a picture of the Liu Shanqing incident, pointing out its supportive relationship with the Chinese Democracy Movement.
15/5 The play "Prison Play" based on the theme of Liu Shanqing's imprisonment was published in the first episode of the "Breaking Earth" social literature collection. The author imagines the experience of forced confession in prison. This play was blocked when it was performed at the University of Hong Kong in April 1983. Later, on April 18 of the same year, it was performed at the Arts Center by the Minlai Drama Club and integrated it into the theme of the Chinese democracy movement.
25/12 Camp Liu Hui posted posters for the fourth anniversary of his imprisonment on the streets several times from December to January of the following year, and then went to Xinhua News Agency to cover the letter to protest.
1986
March Liu Shanqing was rumored to be a model worker in a factory in prison, and some pro-China publications reported that Liu might be released on parole. Liu's friends also continued to approach one or two CPPCC members to assist with parole, but nothing happened.
On September 15, the group and the Camp Liu Association jointly discussed and designed a number of actions. Including going to Guangzhou to contact the public security department for permission to visit Liu Shanqing and for parole; contacting Basic Law drafting member Li Zhuming for assistance; mobilizing street signatures; assisting family members to hire lawyers to request commutation of sentences; sending letters to ask for international solidarity, etc.
In October, the Ying Liu Association contacted the East Asian Human Rights Association to provide information on Liu's case, but no further work was possible. The association allows writing articles to read in solidarity.
November Amnesty International again contacted Camp Liu for information on the latest situation.
In December, Qi Ling published "Release Liu Shanqing's Poem to Deng Xiaoping", and sent the original poem to Deng Shou in Zhongnanhai, Beijing. The poems were published in the pro-China publication "New Generation".
In December, Liuhui exhibited and signed on the street, and received more than 2,000 co-signed letters and sent it to Beijing.
26/12 The 15th group held a press conference to report the results of the trip to Guangzhou.
1987
In January, the special issue of "China Spring" published the Liu Shanqing incident and rescue operations to overseas readers around the world.
In February, Liu Shanqing's family in Hong Kong hired a lawyer to apply to the Guangzhou court for commutation of his sentence.
In December, Camp Liu Hui published a report on Liu Shanqing's recent situation in prison, with a detailed report. "Liu Shanqing's Five Years in Prison Collection" was published at the same time.
December 1987
(End of the book)
other
("Kongjiao Daily" January 2, 1987)
Father Gan Haowang visits North with letter
Run for Liu Shanqing
("Kongjiao Daily" January 2, 1987)
(From this newspaper) Father Gan Haowang of the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions and two other people went to Guangzhou on the 21st of last month to ask the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau's Bureau of Labor Reform for permission to visit Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong resident who has been imprisoned for five years on counter-revolutionary charges.
Father Gan and others brought a letter signed by 15 groups concerned about Liu Shanqing, hoping that the Chinese authorities would release Liu as soon as possible, and asked the Guangdong Provincial Higher People's Court about the chance of Liu's early release from prison.
Chinese authorities believe that non-Liu family members will not be allowed to visit, and Liu has served five years in prison and can apply for parole in accordance with the regulations of the Labor Reform Bureau. If a retrial is required, he can hire a Chinese or Hong Kong lawyer to apply to the High People's Court.
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("China News" January 6, 1987)
Liang Qixian "Who is Liu Qingshan? 》
("China News" January 6, 1987)
"Who is Liu Shanqing?" I believe that many people who have passed through the busy Mong Kok city in ten days will suddenly raise this question. The reason is that an organization called "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee" held a signature campaign in the busy Mong Kok city. The Mong Kok subway station is also covered with posters about rescuing Liu Shanqing. After reading the posters, I suddenly realized that Liu Shanqing went to Guangzhou to visit the families of Shi He Qiu and Wang Xizhe, who were pro-democracy activists at that time, and was arrested by the Chinese authorities five years ago. , and charged with counter-revolutionary crimes and sentenced to ten years in prison.
The author has always been very concerned about this matter, so I went forward and talked to a staff member who assisted in signing. Only then did I know that Liu Shanqing was originally a graduate of the University of Hong Kong. The New Youth Social Workers Night School was opened in Tsuen Wan, and this school is also different from the general night school that teaches book knowledge, but through the introduction and analysis of social events, the workers can be more concerned about the society. The staff also pointed out that Liu Shanqing has been arrested Amnesty International classifies prisoners of conscience, meaning "those who have been imprisoned, detained or imprisoned on the basis of political, religious or other conscientious beliefs, race, sex, colour, language, etc., without advocating or using violence. people."
The author has also contacted some members of the public who have signed to support and asked them a few simple questions; for example: Do you know who Liu Shanqing is? Why sign support? Finally, ask them if they know what the Chinese democracy movement is? As a result, a simple survey result was drawn.
When asked if they knew who Liu Shanqing was, most of the young people knew only after reading the poster, while ordinary citizens in their thirties said they would know about Liu Shanqing's incident; Those who cooperated, turned a deaf ear to any problem, or even went away. This is probably related to their experience of past political movements in China.
As for why they signed to support, most of the younger generation of friends said that they were not worth what happened to Liu, so they signed to support it. It can be seen that it was purely out of their grievances, and most of the middle-aged people said they knew about Liu's unfortunate experience. So signature support.
Regarding the issue of the Chinese democracy movement, the younger generation do not know what it is, and some people even ask what the democracy movement is; Mostly a bit confusing.
From the above-mentioned simple information, it can be seen that the new generation in Hong Kong is still lacking in understanding of modern China, and the civic education that has been actively promoted in recent years seems to be still very inadequate.
Back at the autographing event, there were often uniformed police officers, but they didn't interfere at all. When the author was about to leave, I found that one person took pictures of the staff present from time to time, and his actions flickered, a bit like a certain party. The one sent to take pictures may be for future prosecution!
Here I cannot help but think that Hong Kong, a land that often prides itself on freedom, is nothing but a limited gift from the ruler; I hope that the people who organized this operation will not be arrested for this.
Finally, I hope that the Chinese authorities will release Liu Shanqing as soon as possible, because the Chinese constitution stipulates that Chinese citizens should enjoy freedom of speech, assembly and other freedoms. What a difference; the Chinese government, which once boasted of breaking feudalism, was not creating a new feudalism in the twentieth century!
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(Ming Pao, January 10, 1987)
Liu Shanqing was arrested in Guangzhou in 1981
Hong Kong people fail to do their best to call for release
(Ming Pao, January 10, 1987)
Trailer:
Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong citizen, is 23 years old. Arrested in Guangzhou on Christmas Day 1981. Recently, many groups in Hong Kong have expressed their concern about this matter and hope that Liu will be released as soon as possible.
When we found out that Liu was arrested, we felt very fond of him. Because he was our friend and cared about all incense before his arrest
The oppressed in Hong Kong (Golden Jubilee Incident, Yau Ma Tei boaters, wooden house dwellers...), we do not understand why he is suddenly called a counter-revolutionary. We know that he visited pro-democracy activists and their families with other Hong Kong citizens (some university students) several times in 1980 and 1981, giving them hundreds of Hong Kong dollars, some publications and The foreign reporter's phone calls also know that he may speak or have a tough attitude.
We believe that the reason he was sentenced to ten years in prison is that he pleaded not guilty, which is unfair, because some people who committed bigger crimes were released as long as they cooperated. We feel that the five-year sentence is a punishment that greatly affects his life.
Is it because Liu is not officially a member of any group, so after his arrest, the cold reaction of Hong Kong citizens cannot make the Chinese government release him earlier. Let's take this opportunity to ask all those who know Liu and pressure groups if they care about this friend who has worked closely with them and do a little bit for him? Although it would be embarrassing to criticize the decision of the relevant Chinese government agencies at this time, in order to win a truly new society (including socialist and communist society), we should not be afraid to speak the truth.
Why does China's current so-called "Four Modernizations" and "Opening Policy" compromise so much with the old capitalist society (which Liu Shanqing opposed), while still retaining the bad habits of bureaucracy and dogmatism? We appeal to those with decision-making power in Guangzhou not to shirk their responsibility to solve this problem.
Sincerely, Grassroots Cultural Center
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("Daily Daily" December 15, 1987)
Sixteen groups petition Xinhua News Agency for commutation and release of Liu Shanqing
If no reply will take further action
("Daily Daily" December 15, 1987)
[Daily News] Representatives of 16 groups submitted a petition letter to the Hong Kong Xinhua News Agency yesterday afternoon, requesting the Guangzhou court to release Liu Shanqing as soon as possible.
Liu Shanqing, a Hong Kong resident, was arrested in Guangzhou in late December 1981. He was later charged with Article 102 of the Criminal Law - engaging in counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. He was sentenced to ten years in prison and deprived of political rights for three years. He served five years in Meixian No. 3 Prison, where he is now classified as a prisoner of conscience.
The group representative Chen Jiahua said that the group had sent a lawyer's letter to the Guangzhou court again earlier this month to apply for a commutation of Liu Shanqing's sentence; and Hong Kong's Xinhua News Agency replied to them that the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court had received the letter.
Chen Jiahua said that since the previous petitions have not been answered by the authorities, he once again sent a letter to Xinhua News Agency to draw attention from all walks of life to the Liu Shanqing incident.
A group of thirteen representatives of the group arrived at the gate of Xinhua News Agency with banners. After reading the contents of the petition letter, they handed the letter to the representative of Xinhua News Agency.
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("Hong Kong People's Daily" December 15, 1987)
In 1981, Jai Sui sentenced to ten years in prison for incitement
16 groups petitioned on behalf of Xinhua News Agency
Hope the Chinese authorities release Liu Shanqing early
("Hong Kong People's Daily" December 15, 1987)
(From this newspaper) Representatives of 16 concerned groups sent a petition letter to Xinhua News Agency yesterday afternoon, hoping that the Chinese authorities will release Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing as soon as possible on humane grounds.
Hong Kong resident Liu Shanqing, 34 years old, was originally an engineer. He was arrested in Guangzhou in December 1981 for engaging in counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. He was sentenced to ten years in prison. He is still serving six years in Meixian Prison. The organization managed to deliver letters to Xinhua News Agency several times, and has been fighting for Liu Shanqing's early release.
Chen Jiahua, a representative of the Hong Kong Federation of Catholic Colleges and Universities, said that in December last year, a representative went to the Guangzhou court to inquire about the possibility of Liu Shanqing's early release, and the local court spokesman replied that a lawyer could apply for a retrial or commutation of the sentence. The federation also hired a lawyer in March this year
A letter was sent to the local court, but so far there has been no written reply. In August this year, the representative went to Beijing to the Hong Kong and Macau Office to request Liu Shanqing's early release, but received no reply. We are now writing to Xinhua News Agency requesting a reply before the 25th of this month. If no reply is received, further action will be taken.
Representatives of 16 groups read the petition letter in front of Xinhua News Agency yesterday afternoon with a banner reading "request for commutation of sentence, release Liu Shanqing", and then handed the letter to the representative of Xinhua News Agency to receive.
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March 6, 1987 Lawyer's Letter
Dear Sirs:
Entrusted by Liu Shanqing's father, Mr. Liu Dong, our law firm sent a letter to request the Guangzhou Higher People's Court to commute Liu Shanqing's sentence.
Liu Shanqing was arrested on January 5, 1982 with the approval of the Guangzhou Municipal People's Procuratorate, and indicted on August 28, 1982, charged with Articles 90 and 102 of the Criminal Law, until 1990. The trial began on February 7, 1983. On the same day, the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court convicted the crime. According to Article 35 of the Criminal Procedure Law and Article 52 of the Criminal Law, he was sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of ten years and deprivation of political rights for three years. In the past, those who were detained first were detained for one day for one day of the sentence [(82) Sui Fa Xing Zi No. 77]. Liu Shanqing then appealed to the Guangzhou Higher People's Court of Guangdong Province, and the appeal was filed on March 10, 1983. It was dismissed on the 5th, and the original sentence was upheld. [(82) Yue Fa Xing Shang Zi No. 37], so far Liu Shanqing has been serving his sentence in Meixian Prison in Guangzhou City.
Liu Shanqing is a Hong Kong resident. He graduated from the University of Hong Kong in his early years. He is a practicing engineer. He is young and promising. It has been more than five years since his arrest in 1982, and he has served more than half of his sentence. Liu Shanqing has always performed well in prison and worked diligently. She is deeply in love, suffering from severe health and mental distress, and has been in poor health recently. Therefore, I specially commissioned our law firm to apply to the Guangzhou Higher People's Court, requesting the people's court to take a humanitarian standpoint and Liu Shanqing's performance in prison, in accordance with the seventh criminal law. Article 11 shall reduce the sentence so that he can have a family relationship with his family as soon as possible, and hope for a revenge.
happy new year
Sincerely,
President of Guangzhou Higher People's Court
Sincerely, Guan Zuyao Law Firm
March 6, 1987
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Members of the two councils in 1987 Press release
Several representatives of 24 organizations concerned about the Liu Shanqing incident went to the offices of members of the two councils on the morning of February 25 to meet with several members of the Legislative Council, asking them to support the fight for Liu's early release. Representatives of the group pointed out that lawmakers played an active role in promoting the democratization of Hong Kong's political system; but also hoped that lawmakers would also actively protect human rights, especially the fact that Liu was still a Hong Kong resident who was imprisoned by the Chinese government for more than six years, because the democratic government One of the goals of the system is to ensure that in this system, the basic rights of every citizen will not be unreasonably violated.
In addition, the group representative also pointed out that social leaders in Hong Kong have a moral responsibility to strive for the early release of Liu Shanqing. Because Liu is a young man who is enthusiastic about participating in society and striving for justice, and has made contributions to the development of Hong Kong society; and some social leaders have also fought side by side with Liu in the struggle for social justice. Therefore, we should support Liu. 's early release.
Finally, group representatives asked members to:
(1) In the meeting of the Legislative Council, discuss Liu's case so that more people can understand, pay attention to and support Liu's situation and release him as soon as possible.
(2) Individual councillors report to their own functional constituencies or district council members what happened to Lau and seek wider support;
(3) It is hoped that when the MPs have the opportunity to contact Chinese leaders in the future, they can fight for an early release on behalf of Liu.
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