2022年1月30日 星期日


 A journey without regrets


Order 2

Chapter 1 Guangzhou Arrested 4

Chapter 2 1979: Supporting the Domestic Democracy Movement 13

Chapter 3 1982 and 1983: Trial and Judgment 24

Chapter 4 1970-78 Participating in Political Movements 40

Chapter 5 1983-1984: Running to the rescue 55

Chapter 6 1983-1985: The Phenomena of Meijian 65

Chapter 7 1986-88: Prison Reform 92

Chapter 8 The Final Journey from 1988 to 1991----Huaiji Prison 106

Appendix I Prosecution 127

Appendix II Criminal Ruling 129

Appendix III 131

Appendix IV 132


During the ten years in Shanqing's prison, the whole world is undergoing tremendous changes. The most prominent of these was the fall of communist regimes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. This series of drastic changes came swiftly and overwhelmingly, and it was generally believed that socialism had failed. However, when Shan Qing was released from prison and returned to Hong Kong, he revealed to the crowd and reporters who welcomed him that he was still a Marxist-Leninist, and pointed out that the collapsed communist regimes had never practiced socialism; Taiwan's is a complete fake socialism. Later, he also emphasized: true socialism is still the future of mankind.

Shan Qing is just such a person - upright and upright, not afraid of power and not giving up his ideals easily. More than ten years ago, out of a strong belief in the motherland, he devoted himself to supporting the Chinese democracy movement with the spirit of sacrifice and devotion, and at the most difficult time, he went to Guangzhou alone to visit the families of the arrested pro-democracy activists. , showing his persistence in sports and concern for his comrades. However, his enthusiasm for democracy was not tolerated by the Chinese government. He was finally arrested on Christmas Day in 1981 and sentenced to ten years in prison. Although Shan Qing's body was trapped in the prison, he did not obey, insisted on his own ideas and principles, and sneered at all threats and inducements; he just watched from the sidelines and watched the world in prison.

Based on this belief, Shan Qing did not forget everything in the prison. He wants more people to understand what China is today, and he hopes to paint a more realistic picture for everyone through his own experience. "Journey Without Regrets" not only allows everyone to appreciate the painful experience of a passionate young man joining the democratic movement, but also allows everyone to realize the true face of China's "liar" under the bureaucratic system, and also understand that it has "Chinese characteristics" of prison life. To this day, many people who have been imprisoned in China have either kept silent after being released from prison, or told us that the environment in solitary confinement is quiet and they can enjoy the treatment of birds and flowers. The suffering that is known but not seen is so delicately painted. "Journey Without Regrets" also debunks the myth that the Chinese government preaches to countries around the world how China's labor reform law "works" and "reforms criminals and reintegrates into society."

Undoubtedly, "Journey Without Regrets" does not provide us with a new direction for China. However, the forerunners of democracy have paid a price. Shan Qing was imprisoned for ten years, which made him pay a heavy price and wasted his precious ten years of golden years in vain. "Journey without Regrets" records his unique journey.

Liang Yaozhong

Chapter 1 Guangzhou Arrested


After returning to Hong Kong, many people asked me like a housewife I met, "Liu Shanqing, you graduated from university ten years ago and have a bright future. Why do you want to engage in pro-democracy movement and serve ten years in prison for no reason?" Indeed , if I was an average college student ten years ago, this is really incomprehensible. The problem is that ten years ago I wasn't an average college graduate at all, but a revolutionary full of romanticism.

In the two full years before the accident, with this revolutionary romanticism in mind, I ventured into and out of the mainland 14 times, mainly with the pro-democracy activists in the southern part of the mainland, fighting together for socialist democracy. If I told ordinary people on the street ten years ago that I was working hard for the future of democracy in China, I didn't believe I could find many people who would resonate. But today, ten years later, after the baptism of the 1989 democracy movement, I believe that many people can understand people like me who are fighting for a democratic tomorrow. History always has its forerunners, not me, but others who take this path. However, let's talk about the past ten years in detail.

Whether Christmas was cold in 1981, I have a vague memory. But I remember another little thing. For the past three or two years, every Christmas Eve on the 24th, I would go to East Tsim Sha Tsui with my girlfriend, Ah Ching, to take advantage of the lively scene, watch the lights, and wander among the crowds and the bustling market opening. That's not all, I often count the time. When midnight comes, I will take the Star Ferry to cross the sea and greet the bell at twelve o'clock amid the sound of wind and waves. Ah Qing often said that I was actually quite romantic based on my Christmas Eve habit. That Christmas Eve, I probably knew that it might take a long time to spend Christmas with her, so after get off work in the evening, even though I felt tired, I insisted on taking Ah Qing to Tsim Sha Tsui. During the meal, Ah Qing could see that I was exhausted and taught me not to forget it. But I don't want to spend it in vain and insist on going.

We took the bus to the Tsim Sha Tsui Ferry Pier and were going to Central first. But halfway through I was too tired to support me, so I immediately shouted to go home. Ah Ching suggested that we take a walk from Tsim Sha Tsui back to our residence in Yau Ma Tei. It was romantic, but I rudely refused. So, we took the bus home.

Later, when I read Nanfang Daily at the Huanghua Detention Center, I found out that that night, a riot broke out in Central, and the grease boy clashed with the police. When I got home, I went into the room and fell asleep. Ah Qing was going to copy mimeographed paper. I said, don’t do it. If you don’t work hard, go to sleep! Ah Qing knew that I was going to Guangzhou tomorrow. In the past few months, I have often shouted that I want to go back to the mainland to see the situation after the government suppressed the pro-democracy movement.

It wasn't until three or two days before Christmas Eve when I went to buy an angora (Mhair) bottom shirt with her and said what to bring to her, she didn't think I was really determined to go. Since that night, she has been very disturbed and has made it clear that she does not want me to go up. However, the relationship between me and Ah Qing at that time, in a word, was to subdue her with male chauvinism, and she also knew that even if she tried to obstruct her, it would be useless. In fact, it happened to be this joint, but Ah Qing's judgment was wrong. At that time, for this trip, I was actually fifteen or sixteen in my mind. If someone can persuade me not to go, I think she is the only one. If she does, I have a chance to dispel the idea of ​​going up.

The next morning when I was supposed to get up in the dark, I was lying on the bed and was reluctant to get up and go, but Ah Qing repeatedly urged me to "get up in the morning", but I had no choice but to get up. Ah Qing must have been conflicted in her heart. She lay on the bed and said to me, "Go early." The next sentence she didn't say was, "Come back early." I kissed her on the forehead and went out.

Once I hit the road alone, I have no turning back and no regrets. When I first went to the mainland to join the pro-democracy movement, I didn't go alone, it was Ah Qing who accompanied me. Several times in the future, she also went with me. On the trip to Beijing and Shanghai, she actually acted as my translator, because my Mandarin was not very conscientious. Ah Qing is not only my girlfriend, my partner, but also my comrade-in-arms. Today, ten years later, when I return to Hong Kong, I find that her militancy has not diminished, but has increased, to a point that I can hardly imagine.

From 1989 to the present, Ah Ching has not only been a member of the "45 Action", but also one of the frontrunners in the charge. In any case, for my last trip, Ah Qing thought it was quite risky and would not help the democracy movement on the mainland, so he opposed me taking the risk rashly. She also intuited that something must have happened to me on this trip. Her recollections are quite different from what I remember. Ah Qing remembered that she was very direct against me going there. Although she did not call for hanging herself, she also threatened to break up. And she remembered that I was always unmoved, because I was accustomed to do what I was determined to do, and few people could influence me. This characteristic is sometimes my strength, and of course, sometimes my fault. Good or bad, individuals always have their own characteristics after all. In his memory, Ah Qing thought that he had done his best to prevent me from going, but I was unmoved. The only thing she didn't do was inform me of the organization I belonged to (Gema League). According to Ah Ching's recollection, I went to Hung Hom Railway Station alone at about 4:00 the next morning. This time, she was unusual and did not see her off, because her intuition became stronger and stronger and told her that something would happen to me. Ah Qing's intuition, of course, is not unfounded.

Since the end of 1978 when Beijing rehabilitated the 1976 "Tiananmen Square Incident" in 1976, the Democracy Wall in Xidan, Beijing, where the people express their opinions in the form of big-character posters, has sprung up spontaneously. After reviewing the lessons of the past, looking forward to a better future, and even taking to the streets to hold public debates and forming what the outside world calls a democratic movement, Beijing's countermeasures have been tight and loose, but by the beginning of 1981, the central government realized that. In order to open up the economy, we must first implement the policy of closing the door and comprehensively suppress the pro-democracy movement. Therefore, we decided to cut the grass and root out and comprehensively suppress the pro-democracy movement that existed only in the form of private publications at that time. Therefore, in April 1981, the Beijing authorities arrested pro-democracy activists in major cities across the country. All prominent pro-democracy activists were arrested and imprisoned, and few survived. Sentences ranged from five to seven years to more than ten years. As for the local folk magazines that have always preserved the atmosphere of the democracy movement, they all stopped publishing at once, and other related democratic activities have also disappeared and are not heard in the world.

And just at this juncture, Wu Zhongxian of the "Revolutionary Marxist Alliance" happened to accept the invitation of Beijing pro-democracy activists to venture to Beijing and was arrested at Tianjin Railway Station. As a result, he had to sign a recent confession of repentance in order to escape prison and return to Hong Kong. . After this battle, Old Wu, who was already in political depression at the time, became even more disillusioned, and announced in August 1981 that he had withdrawn from the "Gema League" he had established. The episode of Lao Wu's accident had a great influence on my decision to go. After he returned to Hong Kong, the objective situation was that Beijing was suppressing the pro-democracy movement in an all-round way. From my point of view, this situation is quite similar. When there is nothing wrong, Hong Kong supporters go up to wave their flags and shout, but when there is something wrong, we just leave in a hurry. This seems morally untenable. Old Wu himself said that he had no regrets about signing the letter of repentance and returning to Hong Kong, and he had never sold out any pro-democracy activists or secrets. In fact, he was not engaged in the pro-democracy movement on the front line, nor did he know the secrets within the pro-democracy movement. What was disturbing was that when he did not know that he was arrested, the CCP was rounding up pro-democracy activists in various places. Otherwise, they would rather share weal and woe with them than go to jail. And what he thinks is the most regrettable is that if his political state was not depressed at the time, he would have been wise enough to judge that the central government's policy was to completely suppress the democratic movement.

In fact, the reason why Lao Wu went north has something to do with me. I will explain this later. However, I think Lao Wu made a mistake of principle. We have to go head-to-head with the bureaucracy, and we can't let it go. Otherwise, in the opinion of the pro-democracy activists above, we in Hong Kong seem to have no seeds. Once I think of this, I will even more brew the heart to go north.

In any case, from A Qing's point of view, the objective situation is very clear. Beijing is killing all the pro-democracy activists, which is tantamount to the beginning of a period of white terror. Moreover, after Wu returned to Hong Kong, he told the organization and me that I was on the top of the blacklist. , the above would repeatedly ask me if I was a member of the Gema League, but he repeatedly denied it, saying that I was a radical who had displaced from various organizations; therefore, if I hurriedly went north, it would be a self-inflicted snare, and that is why Ah Qing fully opposed it. However, I don't care at all about being at the top of the list, and I know that I must be the most noticed. But as I said, few people can stop what I am determined to do. Looking back now, I did make a rash political mistake at the time.

After returning to Hong Kong, Lao Wu mentioned another incident. He said that in the summer of that year, I was determined to go to Guangzhou, and he urged me not to go. He talked about almost dawn at his home, and I dismissed the idea. I have a vague memory of this.

Arriving in Guangzhou by the through train, everything went smoothly, and I didn’t have to be particularly nervous. I also got to know three foreign youths on the bus. I remember one was Swedish and the other was Canadian. I made an appointment to chat with them in Guangzhou in the future. . That afternoon, I first went to a friend of He Qiu, who used to follow the editor of People's Road, and asked him to arrange a meeting with He Qiu's wife on my behalf. I met He Qiu's wife that night at the Zhuhai Embankment. She said that after the police arrested He Qiu, she is now imprisoned in the Huanghua Detention Center, but her life is fine. I gave her a sweater and asked her to bring it to He Qiu. I told her that activists from all over the world have been arrested, civilian magazines have been banned, and the democratic movement has practically disappeared. Everything in the past seems to be in vain. She agreed. I suggested that although there is no possibility of activities like in the past, we should consider working at a lower level, such as setting up some reading classes, so as to reunite people who are interested, enrich ourselves, and prepare for the future. She thought it was very interesting for my proposal. ,worth considering. We talked for about an hour. She seemed very moved by me coming to see her in such an environment. Before leaving, she shook hands with me to say goodbye, thanked me a lot, and said she thought I was right. In the past two years or so, I have met with her a lot because I have been looking for He Qiu often. In fact, there are many friends from Hong Kong who used to meet with He Qiu and his wife, but since the crackdown in April, visitors from Xiangjiang have almost disappeared. This is probably one of the factors that moved her heart. Another factor, I believe, is that she knows that I still maintain revolutionary optimism.

He Qiu was arrested in Beijing in early April 1981. Released around April 5, 1991. On the night of March 22 of that year, which was my last trip before the accident, He Qiu came to the hotel to find me, and told me that the central government had now issued the No. 2 and No. 9 documents, and the intention of sweeping the pro-democracy movement was clear. Under such circumstances, he believed that he would be suppressed anyway, so it would be better to join the pro-democracy activists from other places to go to Beijing together to hold some public activities, and arrest them vigorously. He also specially entrusted me to provide support for them in Hong Kong. The bigger the better.

Faced with the same situation, Wang Xizhe, another most famous pro-democracy activist in Guangzhou (one of the authors of the "Li Yizhe Big Character Post" in the mid-1970s), had a different reaction. He believed that he had always shown his support for the Communist Party, and that he could not get anything against him. Therefore, I don't agree with taking the initiative to do things like He Qiu, but I have fantasies in my heart and hope that Mingzhe will save his life and escape the catastrophe. The results later showed that Wang Xizhe, who was the first to dare to fight for socialist democracy and criticize Mao Zedong Thought, was sentenced to a heavier prison sentence of 14 years. Instead, he wanted to sit for only 10 years, just like me.

After listening to He Qiu's opinion that night, I immediately agreed and gave him all the money (more than 2,000 Hong Kong dollars) for his travel expenses. I only found out at Huaiji Prison, and He Qiu then contacted him. Shanghai pro-democracy activist Fu Shenqi and others went to Beijing to join forces with Yang Jing of the "4th and 5th Forum". After arriving in Beijing, He Qiu didn't follow his original plan to immediately open the attack. To use his joking words, he first wanted to make some "political oil" and play in Beijing for a few days before going about his business. , has been arrested in Beijing.

The day after meeting Mrs. He Qiu, that is, on the morning of the 26th, I went directly to Wang Xizhe's house in Xiaogang New Village. In the past two years or so, this is the place I have visited the most on the mainland. It was Wang Xizhe's mother who answered the door. Since I was a regular customer, I walked in as soon as the door opened. When Mrs. Wang Xizhe saw me, she was very nervous, even panic, and seemed reluctant to let me sit in. After I exchanged three or two sentences with her, I immediately came to a very clear judgment: she is different from Mrs. He Qiu, and everything I said to Mrs. He Qiu is not necessary to tell her at all. But I was too embarrassed to leave immediately, so I sat down and chatted politely with her. I brought a windbreaker to Wang Xizhe, and she didn't want to accept it at first, but after I insisted, she reluctantly took it. After sitting for a while, Mrs. Wang Xizhe said she would go out for a while and asked me to wait for her. Not long after, she came back. But her expression and attitude seemed to have changed, and suddenly she became more nervous and excited, and she couldn't help sobbing as she spoke. According to her intermittent disclosures, when the public security bureau came to arrest Wang Xizhe one night in April, he had always been argumentative, reasoned with the police, and the police who arrested him said he was dishonest, so although it was cold that night, even the building could not be seen. Not letting him put it on, then escorting him away. By the time I got to his wife, the police had given her permission to bring things to Wang Xizhe.

Before leaving, Wang Xizhe's wife was even more nervous. While weeping, she repeatedly told me to be careful. As soon as I walked out of Wang Xizhe's house, I immediately followed him openly. At the time, I was a little panicked because I had never tried to give people such a direct and obvious follow-up after going up so many times. So instead of turning left and walking out of the road, I turned right and walked into a vegetable field. When I saw a clump of water onions in the vegetable field, I thought to myself that it would be a long time before I could see such water onions again. Turning into a house in the vegetable field, and then transferring out of Xiaogang Xincun, still can't get rid of the tracking. So I took the bus back to the city, walked left, walked right, and seemed to get rid of my tail at dusk.

In retrospect, I'm afraid they were ready to arrest me at this time. After a long time, in retrospect, I felt that Mrs. Wang Xizhe's behavior was a bit abnormal that day. She went out for a walk, whether she was asked to notify the public security or the street committee according to the prior requirements of the public security, but I was a little doubtful. However, even if such a thing does happen, I don't have the slightest resentment towards her. why?

First of all, if she really does this, she is either afraid of the public security or mistakenly thinking that it is good for Wang Xizhe. This is just an act of bullying and fooling the next civilian by the bureaucracy, and there is nothing to resent.

Second, in fact, when I went up this time, it was originally a matter of boldness. If I try my best to return to Hong Kong this time, in addition to showing off one more round, I will go again until something happens. Therefore, even if nothing happened this time, it will happen sooner or later, and no one should be blamed at all.

In the afternoon, I thought it was a false alarm, so I went to Liuhua Hotel in the evening to chat with three foreign youths I met on the train. I remember when I went, it was about ten o'clock in the evening, I talked in their room, and left around eleven or two. After leaving the Liuhua Hotel, there was a car parked on the street waiting for you. Five people came over, and one of them asked, "Are you Liu Shanqing?" I answered yes. He said, it's okay, let's go with them. It was only after I came into contact with the Communist Party that I realized that when they comfort you that nothing is going to happen, it is actually a "big thing". As I spoke, I took me into the car and drove straight to the Huanghua Detention Center (the No. 1 Detention Center of the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau).

At that time, I knew that something had finally happened, but I was still relaxed and calm, and I knew that a face-to-face struggle with the Communist Party was nothing to do with it. Therefore, I remained silent in the car, thinking that these Lao Shizi public security officers were only acting on orders, and they would not ask very little tricks if they asked. Why is it wrong for me to be arrested? Since I started a democracy movement, I knew that I might be arrested, but I thought I would be sentenced to five years at most. I don't know that I ended up sitting for ten years. Moreover, I was still under the illusion of the above processing method. I remember that after Lao Wu came back from the accident, I pointed out to him that if he didn’t pay attention to him, the authorities would have no choice but to let him out. It can be seen that the psychology of luck does exist.

After arriving at the Huanghua Detention Center, I noticed a special phenomenon. They apparently treated my case as a special case. From the time I arrived at the detention center until the end of the night trial on the seventh night, my arresters took me and other prisoners in the detention center. And the public security cadres were all quarantined. Probably because of this, they had to interrogate me in the middle of the night, and the light of the sky was over. During this period of time, it goes without saying that the detention center was least visited by people. However, after the night trial, this special treatment was cancelled. Let's say that when I arrived at the detention center, they first counted my belongings one by one and asked me to sign an arrest warrant. I didn't sign at first. They said, it is not good for you not to sign, I think it makes sense, anyway, people have been arrested, so they signed. After changing my blue uniform, they took me into the cell on the second floor. After twelve o'clock, I was arraigned immediately. There were three cadres who asked me questions. One from other provinces seemed to be in charge and should be quite high in rank. One was older, probably in her early fifties, and the other was a woman who was quite young. From the second night, the woman has not appeared again. This kind of questioning is actually a kind of trial in disguise, but it is not conducted in court. As soon as I entered the questioning room, I almost immediately yelled at them for arresting me, why they arrest me, and they didn't answer any of my sharp questions, nor did they scold me back. In terms of attitude, they are neither harsh nor polite, they only use silence as a psychological threat. Apart from not answering my positive questions, they repeatedly emphasized that as long as I explained clearly, there would be no problem. I asked, "What do you want to explain?" They didn't answer. I asked, "Is it about having foreign friends?" They said no.

After a long time, they said, what is the purpose of my coming to Guangzhou? Who is in charge? Want to do something? As I said, I was still under the illusion that as long as they can't get my hands on me, they can't do anything about me, so I just said that I came up for no other purpose. What are you going to do, just to visit Wang Xizhe and He Qiu's wife. I did tell the truth. But they just didn't believe it, so they continued to entangle me like this. When I couldn't bear it any longer, I yelled at me. It was like this until it was almost daylight, so I was almost exhausted before I was closed, and I was remanded back to the warehouse. When I woke up from a random sleep, I naturally felt that I was not used to it, and I only hoped to return to Hong Kong. I was thinking that as long as I was dead for a few days, they would always let me go, after all it would be stupid for them to catch me. In fact, during these seven night trials, I also told them that if you let me go, it might be counted. Do exercise again.

When I was arraigned in the middle of the second night, I changed my strategy and realized that it was useless to scold them, so I basically ignored them and kept silent most of the time. After that, for six consecutive sessions, I held this mentality. Sooner or later, you will let me go. Right now, it's just a fight, so I can't make trouble with you. That night, that other provincial cadre told me to scold me if I wanted to, but I didn't scold me. Sometimes they use another tactic, which is to deliberately say some flawed words, tease you to refute, wait for you to attack, in short, there is hope when you open the chatterbox, but I can see the reason, or ignore it, and let them do their own thing. Talk to yourself, like a bystander. Sometimes when they see me being silent for too long, they probably want to know if I'm still sane, or if I'm too distracted, and they ask, "What's your name?" I answer, "Liu Shanqing." Said, "I want to go back." Except for the interrogation on the first night, I behaved like this for six consecutive nights. Afterwards, their silence on me got irritated. Saying that time is running out, if you want me to speak quickly, I just don’t speak. How I would react if they used torture, I don't know. But I quickly figured out at the time that they were probably ordered not to hit me. With this trump card, I could deal with them how I liked, and I didn't have any worries or fear of the pain. In short, it was like this for another six nights.

During the whole process of the interrogation called questioning, they always spoke Mandarin, but in the last session, which was the seventh night, they taunted me in Cantonese, to the effect, do you want to leave? Can you go soon? See how! At the time, I didn't know that this was no small matter, it was actually a long ten years!

Chapter 2 1979: Supporting the Domestic Democracy Movement

Like a whole generation of pro-democracy activists in China during the Democracy Wall, what really touched my understanding of the bureaucracy and my longing for socialist democracy was the April 5, 1976 Tiananmen incident. Before the Tiananmen Square Incident, Mao Zedong's death five months later, and the downfall of the Gang of Four, among the Hong Kong student circles, the social groups that advocated social movements and maintained a certain critical attitude towards China began to shrink. On the contrary, they represented pro-China and Mao Zedong. The quintessence of ideological tendencies is very popular.

At that time, I was a third-year student at the University of Hong Kong. Although I always tended to be radical in my actions, which was incompatible with the orientation of the national quintessence faction, but politically I began to be influenced by the Maoists. If it wasn't for the Tiananmen incident, maybe I would have joined in the future. Nationalist faction. However, after the Tiananmen incident, Mao Zedong Thought soon went bankrupt, the Maoist movement also collapsed, and the national quintessence faction disappeared, but it took almost a year and a half to see it clearly.

After the Tiananmen incident, the students basically had two different attitudes. Some felt that the information was insufficient and could not evaluate it. I disagree with this. The view I held at the time was that of the radical democrats, who believed that what happened in Tiananmen Square was very clear. The people were suppressed and the people were killed. A regime that represents the people will never fear the people and let the people's blood and tears fall in vain. Seeing this, I woke up politically and put aside my past confused fantasies about Maoists. I soon saw clearly that the Tiananmen incident was the first time after the CCP ruled in 1949 that the people spontaneously and collectively took public action to express their dissatisfaction with the ruler, the ruling system, and the people. The yearning for the democratic rights of the masses themselves, and even their longing for the real liberation of society. This incident shows that the trend of history must be that the masses of the people are bound to abandon the old system that is now pressing on them, and the driving force for social change once again appears to come from the people. The Tiananmen incident has already predicted that the future struggle will inevitably be a struggle between the people and the bureaucracy, and in this struggle, I naturally have to stand on the side of the people without turning back.

After the Tiananmen incident was officially rehabilitated in late 1978, the Democracy Wall appeared in Beijing, the big-character poster developed into a pro-democracy movement publication, and rallies, protests, and marches also appeared. In terms of scale, of course, it was not as big as the 1989 democracy movement, but in terms of impact, it was indeed quite far-reaching at that time. After all, this is the first time since 1949 that the masses of the people have spontaneously pursued democracy. In China, where political repression is so severe, its epoch-making significance is clear. Not only did I watch the development of this movement with excitement, but I soon became involved in the movement and directly joined the democratic movement, sharing a common destiny with the democratic activists above.

After the Democracy Wall and Democracy Journals appeared in Beijing, the trend of publishing private journals quickly spread to Guangzhou. Liu Guokai, a worker who went through the Cultural Revolution, found a few people with a heart and opened the "Voice of the People" in Guangzhou. It just so happened that a student from the University of Hong Kong joined Liu Guokai and Wang Xizhe, who was quite famous at the time, and brought down several private magazines, and held a meeting at the site of the "Cultural New Dynasty", which was developed by the socialist faction, to discuss our How to respond to the domestic democracy movement in Hong Kong. I brought five or six friends who were concerned about the pro-democracy movement to the meeting. After listening to the report of the student from the University of Hong Kong, I secretly decided that we really need to do something. At the meeting, Zeng Shuji, the leader of the socialist faction, advocated that publications should be published in Hong Kong to politically intervene in the domestic democracy movement. However, for him, I always have low confidence. I feel that he is not a person who does things, and his dedication is not enough. Moreover, the social faction is fundamentally anarchist in organization and cannot afford to intervene in the work of the democracy movement. Therefore, after the meeting, I reunited with the movement circle to care about the democracy movement. , and formed a core of support for the pro-democracy movement by themselves.

This is my public identity. But at the same time, I have become a secret member of a revolutionary organization, and I am in charge of the work of the China group of this organization. Regarding the latter, I will disclose it later. After we publicly reunited the core of the pro-democracy movement, we mainly engaged in the following democratic work until the pro-democracy movement was suppressed in April 1981. First of all, it is to establish contact with the domestic democracy movement, conduct ideological communication, and support the work of the democracy movement spiritually and materially. Just as my friends told me after my release from prison that the Hong Kong citizen support movement was a great encouragement to the country during the 1989 democracy movement, our support back then also played a considerable inspiring role. I can cite an example to illustrate. In October 1979, I went to Guangzhou for the first time to get in touch with the domestic democracy movement. At that time, Liu Guokai's "Voice of the People" was splitting. It turned out that at that time the central government began to tighten its restrictions on the people's journals. In the north, Lu Lin and Sunshine founded the "Exploration" magazine, which became famous for articles such as "The Fifth Modernization - Democracy and Others" and "Do You Want Democracy or a New Dictatorship?" Chinese and foreign Wei Jingsheng was arrested as early as March and sentenced to fifteen years in prison in October. Liu Qing, another of the most influential pro-democracy heroes in Beijing who founded the "Fourth Five Forum", was arrested in November for publishing "The Trial Process of the Wei Jingsheng Case" and sentenced to three years of re-education through labor. Therefore, in the national pro-democracy movement, whether to insist on continuing to publish became a major real political issue within the movement at that time. On this issue, Liu Guokai is inclined to liquidationism and advocates the suspension of publication, but He Qiu opposes this view, arguing that this is not "one step back and two steps forward", but that even the last line of defense is disbanded. However, He Qiu's comments are rather isolated.

After I took over with them, I quickly figured out the situation and fully supported He Qiu's position, which greatly encouraged him to launch the "People's Road" and continue to publish civilian magazines. The second type of work that my core is engaged in is the exchange of publications. On the one hand, we took a small risk and secretly brought domestic non-governmental magazines to Hong Kong, so that Hong Kong and foreign media could have access to the non-governmental magazines, quoting, analyzing or reprinting their materials, so as to expand our attention to the domestic democracy movement and strive for greater awareness. support. During this period, I believe that most of the folk magazines available to the outside world were created by us.

At the same time, we brought a lot of books and magazines back to China for pro-democracy activists. It may seem like a simple thing now, but it was of great significance at the time. You must know that since 1949, the mainland has been very restrictive on ideology. Books and periodicals other than the official line are not allowed to be brought in, and the people of the mainland are not allowed to collect and read. After the fall of the Gang of Four, due to the rapid collapse of Mao Zedong Thought and the unification of the upper levels, people tended to open up, so the policy was slightly looser. After the emergence of the pro-democracy movement, when domestic people are thinking hard about China's future, they want to look at the world and get in touch with external views, which is both natural and important. Ideologically and politically, it is of great significance that domestic pro-democracy activists have access to what they cannot see in China.

The development of Wang Xizhe is an example. When Wang Xizhe was arraigned, he kept asking the police, "Which book had the greatest influence on you?" Every time, Wang Xizhe replied, "Das Kapital. This question-and-answer process was repeated many times, and the police finally came up with some materials to prove him. What I took out was a letter written by Wang Xizhe to a pro-democracy activist in Sichuan. In the letter, Wang Xizhe wrote that the book that had the greatest influence on him was written by Shuang Shan. I think the title of the book was "Mao Zedong Thought and the Cultural Revolution."

Shuangshan is the pseudonym of Wang Fanxi. He first joined the Communist Party of China in the 1920s, worked directly with Zhou Enlai, and later became a Trotskyist. He was still in Macau at the time of writing this book, and now lives in England. Talking back to this episode, Wang Xizhe also sent this book from Shuangshan to the Sichuan pro-democracy activist. Coincidentally, I brought this book to Wang Xizhe, and I remember bringing two copies to him. In fact, many of the political and ideological books brought back to the mainland are Trotskyites, such as Wang Fanxi's other book "On Mao Zedong Thought", Trotsky's "Transitional Program", "The Betrayed Revolution", "Russia" History of the Revolution", "The Nature of the Soviet State", "The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution" by Elason, etc. Of course, we also brought other works to the pro-democracy activists, such as the works of Gilas, and the works of several New Left writers. In terms of periodicals, in addition to the general public publications in Hong Kong, they also included "War News", "October Review", "Cultural Trends", and the long-suspended "Left-wing Review" (this was published by the Socialist faction in the mid-1970s). of).

The third aspect of our work is to establish a support movement in Hong Kong. This includes drawing greater attention to the domestic democracy movement in the sports community, gathering more support, mobilizing student organizations to go north to establish links with the democracy movement, etc. In this regard, I think we have done a lot of work and achieved certain results. Effect. But at the broader social level, I don't think enough has been done to arouse ordinary people's attention to the pro-democracy movement and win their support. Of course, there is still an objective situation. As far as I understood during the 1989 pro-democracy movement, Hong Kong citizens hardly needed to be mobilized to mobilize to support Beijing students.

The last job is to discuss the direction, strategy and organization of the democracy movement with the main elements of the domestic democracy movement, but this is a politically demanding task, and not everyone can do it. After returning to Hong Kong, I often felt that the work we did to support the domestic democracy movement more than ten years ago was actually a precedent for Hong Kong citizens to support the domestic democracy movement in 1989. The only difference was that it was a historical rehearsal on a smaller scale. In any case, from the first time I went to Guangzhou in October 1979, I fully devoted myself to the democracy movement in China. The level of participation has reached the point that I am not so much a supporter of the domestic democracy movement, but rather that I was a member of the Chinese democracy movement at that time.

From then until I was arrested at the end of 1981, I went there fourteen times. In terms of years, three times in 1979, nine times in 1980, and two times in early 1981. My range of activities is mainly in Guangzhou, and I usually return every three days. Except for the 1981 Lunar New Year trip, I went to Beijing and Shanghai for a total of 12 days. Contrary to the assumptions of many of my friends, although I am an activist, sometimes my behavior is a bit "nonsensical", but since the beginning of the democracy movement work, I have clearly understood that every time I go to work in the north, there are risks, and I may be arrested every time. . I have fantasies and luck, but that doesn't prevent me from realizing the dangers of democracy movement work. In fact, it was precisely because I took risks in and out for a long time, so on the last time, because I went a lot, my mind was not nervous because I was used to the pressure of long-term underground work.

The emergence of the democratic movement in China is a historical inevitability. As the first democratic movement for the first time in history, its greatest historical role is to explain that the center of struggle throughout the subsequent historical period is democracy. The second significance is that it is explained by actual actions and practices that despite heavy bureaucratic repression, there is still room for open political struggle. The third is that the pro-democracy movement spread a minimum awareness of democracy, and proposed the most basic democratic rights such as freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Without these democratic rights, it is very difficult to carry on further open democratic struggles.

At the beginning of the pro-democracy movement, it was actually quite vigorous. In the late 1978 and early 1979, it had considerable influence both at home and abroad. It was called the "Beijing Spring", which was quite similar to the "Prague Spring" in the Czech Republic in 1968. There is a tendency to echo. The general public also responded enthusiastically at first. Taking the Guangzhou Democracy Movement as an example, when Liu Guokai started publishing "Voice of the People", he posted a notice of tomorrow's release in the square near Sun Yat-sen University the first day, and the next day the entire square was filled with people who came to buy civilian magazines, and it was sold in one day. Thousands of publications, which shows the enthusiasm of the masses. This sentiment of the masses seeking knowledge and yearning for democracy actually reflects that after the fall of the Gang of Four, Mao Zedong Thought went bankrupt, ideology began to disintegrate, and a vacuum appeared in political thought. However, another phenomenon that deserves attention and actually plays a role is that although the Beijing government has disintegrated in terms of ideology, as a ruling government, the people still accept it, and the prestige of the government is still maintained. The economic reforms proposed by Deng Xiaoping seem to be an attempt to renovate, and they have indeed ignited the people's hopes. Under such circumstances, since the beginning of 1979, the central government has tightened its control over the pro-democracy movement several times, so that in the process of comprehensively suppressing the pro-democracy movement in April 1981, the attention of society has actually shifted from democracy to economy, the pro-democracy movement is becoming weaker and weaker, and social support is declining. This is the fundamental reason why there was basically no response from society when the CCP suppressed the democracy movement.

However, as I firmly believe, history is progressive, and the masses will learn from practice. In 1989, even the myth of economic reform went bankrupt. The people knew better than ever that in the past, they were only bureaucrats who held the power tightly, but now they have used this power to corrupt officials, fatten themselves, and ignore the people. life and death. In any case, the historical role of the first democracy movement that began in 1979 cannot be denied.

Therefore, I would like to introduce a few pro-democracy activists who have a deep relationship with me or have a strong impression on me, which may be used as footnotes for future historical citations. Let’s talk about Wang Xizhe first. During the Cultural Revolution, Wang Xizhe was the banner faction of the Red Guard Movement among middle school students in Guangzhou (that is, the rebel faction, different from the conservative faction). In 1973, he and Li Zhengtian, Chen Yiyang, Guo Hongzhi and others wrote the "Li Yizhe Big Character Poster", which was posted on the streets of Guangzhou. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China believed that this was a counter-revolutionary incident, and Wang Xizhe and Li Zhengtian were imprisoned. After the Beijing Spring began, only Wang Xizhe, the author of the "Li Yizhe Big Character Poster", was involved in the movement. Li Zhengtian and others have all fallen too far behind the movement for the new wave of the pro-democracy movement. Wang Xizhe not only held the prestige of one of the authors of the "Li Yizhe Big Character Poster", but also participated in the emerging democracy movement, so his prestige was very high. However, when I first met him, my impression of him was conflicting. It turned out that after meeting with me, he discussed Marx's "Das Kapital" very quickly, and found a few formulas from it to reason with me. But at the time, I didn't pay attention to theory. I felt that political theory debate was optional, and action was the most important thing, so I didn't go into it. On the bright side, in the Hong Kong sports world, I was marginalized because of my radical views, but Wang Xizhe was open-minded and personable, and he did not crowd out different ideas and viewpoints. Wang Xizhe has a unique position in the domestic democracy movement. In my opinion, he actually wants to be the ideological leader of the democracy movement. However, in the early days, he did not publish a civilian magazine himself, and He Qiu always wanted to drag him into the water and asked him to come forward to start a civilian magazine, because he had great prestige and special status, and he had a certain reputation and connection with the Communist Party, but he always refused to help He Qiu publicly resisted the pressure to publish a private magazine, but He Qiu was quite dissatisfied with it at the time, so the relationship between the two was not good. In fact, Wang Xizhe and I are closer politically, and everyone is left-leaning, but in practice, because I and He Qiuze are quite consistent, we are closer and the friendship between the two sides is deeper. In the later period of the pro-democracy movement, Wang Xizhe published the "Xueyou Newsletter", but the target was mainly pro-democracy activists, not the general public. Speaking of He Qiu, he was not considered an activist during the Cultural Revolution, unlike Wang Xizhe. At that time, he had a certain leadership ability, and some people asked him to come forward to engage in sports, but he stood aside, and as a free-spirited faction, he survived the storm of the Cultural Revolution for several years. But like Wang Xizhe, everyone became workers after the Cultural Revolution. But in 1972, when He Qiu communicated with his brother, he talked a lot about national political issues and made sharp criticisms, so he was imprisoned for three years. During the pro-democracy movement, he was arrested in August 1980 with Zhong Yueqiu, Zhang Jingsheng, Zhu Jianbin, etc. for posting leaflets of the "All-China Folk Publishing Association", and later for posting the publication notice of "Responsibility". were released each time. He Qiu's tendency to act is to put into practice the democratic rights conferred by the Constitution. For example, the Constitution stipulates that citizens enjoy freedom of speech and the freedom of the press, and he publishes democratic journals accordingly. In September 1980, the local folk magazines publicly announced the establishment of the "All-China Association of Folk Newspapers", stating that the establishment of this organization was to use the "sacred freedom of association" that the Constitution enshrined in Article 45 of the Constitution. inviolable fundamental rights". Why use the democratic rights of the Constitution to engage in democracy movement, if the government allows it, the people will actually expand the territory of political activities. Conversely, official repression exposes the true face of the ruler's unconstitutional nature. I totally agree with this strategy. However, politically, Heqiu is different from me. He is not left-leaning, but right-leaning. I decided early on that he was, from the bottom of his heart, mocking the entire leftist movement.

A few years later, Wang Xizhe and He Qiu were imprisoned in Huaiji Prison together with me in solitary isolation. Like Wang and He, Liu Guokai is also a worker, and it can be said that the Guangzhou pro-democracy movement started with him. When the government began to tighten in 1979, he advocated retreat and disagreed with Heqiu's aggressive policy. When I first got involved in the Guangzhou pro-democracy movement, Liu Guokai and He Qiu were on the verge of splitting, and both sides fought for me. However, soon I was on He Qiu's side, so I had less contact with Liu Guokai. I think Liu Guokai, and even He Qiu and others are not aggressive enough. In the early days of the democracy movement, when the enthusiasm of the people was high, they should have been reunited, but they did not, and missed the opportunity to reunite more power.

Although, looking back now, even if they were more enterprising and reunited with more power, the result was the same fate of repression. However, the difference may be that more seeds are planted, and the flower of democracy will bloom earlier or more brilliantly in the future. During the period of Huaiji Prison, I learned from Wang Xizhe that Liu Guokai maintained an underground democracy movement organization for quite a long time. After I came out, I heard from a friend that Liu Guokai immigrated to the United States around 1989. He reflected on the works of the Cultural Revolution and later published them overseas. According to another friend, Chen Peihua, Liu Guokai's book on the Cultural Revolution is unfortunately unknown, but it is actually more worthy of careful reading than the famous "Ten Years of the Cultural Revolution" by Zhu Yan's family.

Speaking of Chen Peihua, she published Ma's Children in English based on her doctoral dissertation on the Red Guard Movement during the Cultural Revolution. Later, the book was translated into Chinese in China and published under the title "Children of Chairman Mao", but the translator was not in touch due to lack of contact. She has been an author, so her English name Anita Chan is literally translated as Anita Chen. The first edition is 100,000 copies and is said to be quite popular. Wang Xizhe read this book when he was in prison, and the partition wall praised me a lot, saying with the irony: "It's very reactionary! It's very reactionary!" The so-called reactionary means that it is reactionary from the perspective of the Communist Party, but of course it means the opposite from the standpoint of the people. The relevant cadres of the CCP inspecting books and periodicals can be said to be ignorant and ignorant, thinking that Mao Zedong's sons and daughters affirmed Mao Zedong. At that time, I didn't know it was written by Chen Peihua, and I didn't know the truth until my friends chatted after returning to Hong Kong.

There are also several famous pro-democracy activists who are not in Guangzhou. Although they have few opportunities to contact them, their impressions are quite clear. The most prominent is Chen Erjin. He is a native of Yunnan and dropped out of school when he was young, and only studied for a few years, but he worked hard to teach himself, and he may be the one who has the most thorough research on Marxism in the entire democracy movement. Beginning in 1974, when "Li Yizhe" and the others launched the big-character posters in Guangzhou, he devoted himself to hard work and completed the book "On Proletarian Democratic Revolution" in 1976. After the fall of the Gang of Four, Chen Erjin submitted his writings to the People's Daily and the People's Liberation Army Daily, which attracted the attention of the authorities. He was arrested and detained until March 1979 before he was released.

When Chen Erjin was in prison, he would be tied to a chair by the police and beat him. Years later, he rolled up his sleeves and showed me the scars. Chen Erjin's criticism of Chinese society is clear and very sharp. He doesn't put his hopes on those in power, and he doesn't need to fight against the red flag under the banner of red flags. He wrote: "The bureaucratic class (in China) does not implement a modern legal system, but a feudal autocracy, a policy of great change and flexibility, accommodating to deal with temporary events, and implementing it according to the preferences of the bureaucratic class's 'unitary leadership' There is absolutely no freedom of speech, assembly, association, or publication. The so-called "counter-revolutionary" or shoot-to-kill or severe punishment is under the control of the bureaucratic monopoly privileged class, and the tight control of society makes social conflicts and conflicts less buffered. There is room for tens of thousands of outstanding people to fight injustice, eager for change, forced to dare to take risks, and to break out of the dead road. , the bureaucratic monopoly privileged class has become more and more rigid in the process of coercively fixing monopoly power for a long time, and it lacks the moral power to control the people's hearts. The ossification of the society as a whole, and the coming of total collapse. Remember that this new social demand expressed by the proletarian-democratic revolution, this historical inevitability, if any attempt is made to suppress this demand with violence, That can only make it stronger and stronger until it finally shatters its shackles. That's what happened, the proletarian-democratic revolution is an inevitable trend of historical development, and what is inevitable must become a reality!"

Before the pro-democracy movement in 1989, before the great changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, I quoted this above, not to mention ordinary people, even many people who have some knowledge, seem to be talking in their sleep. Since Stalinism predicted that political revolution under bureaucratic rule is the only way out, how many people have dared to make such a bold assumption and make such a broad historical prospect? But everything that has happened since 1989 has fulfilled Chen Erjin's basic analysis. In fact, after Chen Erjin was released, he was active in the pro-democracy movement in various places. In the pro-democracy movement in Beijing, his influence was very large and his prestige was also very high. There is another point unknown to outsiders, that is, when Chen Erjin joined the pro-democracy movement in various places, he publicly identified himself as a Trotskyist. Although his "On Proletarian Democratic Revolution" introduced many of his original concepts, such as "socialism at the crossroads" , but on the fundamental issue of bureaucratic dictatorship and the need to rely on the proletariat to carry out democratic revolution, Chen Erjin is indeed based on Marxism-Leninism. In the case of the development of the Marxist movement, it is very rare to get basically the same conclusion. According to my actual contact with Chen Erjin, I feel that he has rich political experience, is mature enough, and can outline everything. It is no wonder that he has such a great influence on the domestic democracy movement. However, when he told me that he had organized dozens of people, I felt that this might be a bit exaggerated. In my experience, the number of people reunited by the domestic private magazines is as many as ten or more, at least one or two, and there are dozens of people I have never heard of. Another reason why I have reservations about him is that I think he attaches great importance to his writings, as if he is always looking for opportunities to publish at home and abroad.

I also have a good impression of Yang Jing in Beijing. He was also a worker. When the wind was tight, he opposed Xu Wenli's decision to suspend publication, resumed the publication of "45 Forum", and insisted on continuing his work on the pro-democracy movement. Politically, he was radical, but practical and organized. What impressed me the most was the sentence he said: "A stupid friend is more terrible than a smart enemy!"

I am also deeply impressed by Fu Shenqi from Shanghai. He is a young and practical faction. He started to engage in democracy movement at the end of 1978, and his theoretical training is also good. He has established an organization in Shanghai. Around the beginning of 1989, he was released from prison and returned to Shanghai. As I understand it, the pro-democracy fighters of our generation who have had their sentences commuted will definitely have to pay a price. But at the beginning of the 1989 pro-democracy movement, Fu Shenqi joined the movement again, so he was soon arrested and imprisoned. Another pro-democracy fighter in Beijing, Ren Wanding, was also released from prison in early 1989 and publicly joined the ranks of the pro-democracy movement. As a result, he could not escape the fate of being arrested again. The ten-year prison torture has not diminished their militancy, which is worthy of our admiration.

I remember most, Fu Shenqi asked me directly at the meeting:

"What is a Trotskyist?",

"What is the organization of the Hong Kong Gema League?"

Since the mid-1970s, the Trotskyists have been very isolated in Hong Kong. However, the domestic democracy movement had a very high reputation at that time. The reason is simple, there is simply no other left-leaning political trend that profoundly criticizes bureaucratic rule and provides a political way forward. Later, when I was in prison, I kept reflecting on these political issues. Before going to jail, I was a little hesitant about whether there was a hopeless bureaucracy in China. After entering the prison, from the mouth to the heart, everyone believes that the bureaucracy must exist, it must be hopeless, and it will definitely be swept into the grave of history.

Judging from my work in the domestic democracy movement in 1979, I believe everyone will understand that the CCP arrested me only because I actively participated in the democracy movement. However, when I came across Chinese criminal law books during the interrogation, I realized that contrary to what I had imagined, all the activities I engaged in were actually guaranteed by the Chinese constitution, and even according to their laws, I did not violate any criminal law at all. What really violated the Constitution was the person in power who detained and tried me, not me, the detainee and the judge. Unexpectedly, the hypocrisy of the bureaucratic legal system has exposed a big flaw in my case.

Chapter III 1982 and 1983: Trial and Judgment

 The Guangzhou Municipal People's Procuratorate's Sui Jian Fu Zi No. 64 in 1982 recorded the indictment against me as follows (see Appendix 1 for a copy of the indictment)

"Defendant Liu Shanqing, male, 29 years old, from Huizhou City, Guangdong Province, Han nationality, university education, was a salesman of Hong Kong Jinbaolun Electronic Originals Company, and lived in Room XXX, Building XX, XXXX Village, Hong Kong. He was detained on December 27, 1981 for a counter-revolutionary case, and was arrested on January 5, 1982 with the approval of this court. In the case of the defendant Liu Shanqing's counter-revolution, the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau has completed the investigation and transferred it to this court for review and prosecution on July 3, 1982. The procurator found that the defendant's criminal facts were as follows:

The defendant, Liu Shanqing, was an anti-China and anti-communist force in Hong Kong. From January 1980 to December 1981, he sneaked into Guangzhou and Shanghai several times to meet the counter-revolutionaries He Qiu, Chen Erjin, and Fu Shenqi (all were sentenced in separate cases). They pass on reactionary books and periodicals, publicize counter-revolutionary ideas, support and help them carry out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, and attempt to overthrow the regime and socialist system of the people's democratic dictatorship.

In January 1980, the defendant Liu Shanqing and the counter-revolutionaries agreed to strengthen ties and cooperate in actions at home and abroad. The defendant provided He Qiu with reactionary publications such as "Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution" and "War News", and also collected illegal publications such as "People's Road" and "Free Talk" and brought them back to Hong Kong. In July of the same year, the defendant successively incited He Qiu and Chen Erjin, slandering the Chinese Communist Party as "not a real working-class political party, it has become corrupt and degenerate, and has created a bureaucratic class", and urged them to "... , run a publication", and then clamored: to overthrow the regime of our people's democratic dictatorship by "mobilizing the workers to gather for a democratic movement."

In July 1980, the defendants Liu Shanqing and He Qiu conspired to send people all over the country to link up illegal organizations, planned to hold the "National People's Press Congress" in Guangzhou, and actively supported and subsidized He Qiu to establish the "National People's Press Association of China". , in an attempt to form a political force to cooperate with the anti-China and anti-communist forces to wantonly create counter-revolutionary arguments.

In March 1981, the defendant Liu Shanqing provided He Qiu with RMB 120 yuan, HKD 400 yuan, and the name and address of a foreign journalist stationed in Beijing to instigate He Qiu to go to Beijing to carry out counter-revolutionary ties and convene foreign affairs. At the press conference, it was agreed that Liu Shanqing would cooperate in creating public opinion in Hong Kong to resist and undermine the implementation of state laws.

In February 1981, the defendant Liu Shanqing sneaked into Shanghai and instigated the counter-revolutionary Fu Shenqi, saying: "I hope there will be an independent political force in China that will play against the Central Committee." position”, “China can build socialism only by learning from the Polish trade unions, like Poland, and your democratic movement must develop in this direction.” He also subsidized 100 yuan for Fu Shenqi to carry out counter-revolutionary propaganda activities, and obtained the illegal publication "Responsibility" to bring back to Hong Kong.

The above facts have been thoroughly confirmed by the public security organs and obtained a large number of circumstantial evidence and witness testimony. However, the defendant was arrogant and counter-revolutionary, continued to promote reactionary speeches, and stubbornly resisted the government's education.

The Court believes that:

The defendant, Liu Shanqing, is an anti-China and anti-communist force in Hong Kong. He has repeatedly sneaked into Guangzhou, Shanghai and other places to carry out counter-revolutionary propaganda, colluded and supported counter-revolutionary elements He Qiu, Fu Shenqi and others to carry out rampant counter-revolutionary activities, incited the masses to resist, and undermined the implementation of national laws and decrees. This act seriously endangers the political power of our people's democratic dictatorship and the socialist system, violates the provisions of Article 102 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, and constitutes the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. In order to defend the political power of the people's democratic dictatorship and the socialist system, and to ensure the smooth progress of the "four modernizations" construction, a public prosecution is hereby filed, and your court requests that the defendant Liu Shanqing be punished according to law. 』

The indictment was written by prosecutor Zhang Damou, dated August 25, 1982.

When the indictment was in my hands, my fantasies really dissipated. Before that, my mentality was like this, the longer my case dragged on, the worse it would be for the CCP, and I didn’t know how to explain it to the outside world, so the best way was to fight and grind. Perhaps because of this fantasy, I was most determined in my will during this period. I thought that even if I didn't let me out, I would kill if I wanted to, or lock me if I wanted to. I've already given up, and I don't care anymore. At most, I'll be another hero in eighteen years.

The idea of ​​killing my head was not something I thought of out of nowhere, but was actually intimidated by the Communist Party bureaucrats when they interrogated me. This happened after seven consecutive trials. It turned out that after seven nights of unsuccessful trials, the group that dealt with me left, and the special isolation policy from other prisoners and prison guards and public security cadres was cancelled, but a marathon-style arraignment began. In the beginning, there were interrogations almost every day, sometimes during the day, sometimes at night, back and forth, and those three or two old questions. "What's your purpose for coming up?", "Who sent you here?", "What are you going to do?". My way of dealing with them is to basically keep silent. Physically, they did not embarrass me, they still talked about civility and did not use punishment, and they declared early in the morning that "we will not execute you." Neither Wang Xizhe nor He Qiu had ever been tortured. But even if they were to be punished at the time, I think I would stand up to them. Of course, it would be better not to be tortured, to avoid the pain of flesh and blood. In response to my reticence, they sometimes changed their arraignment strategy, hoping to find a loophole.

One of the ways is to use scolding to test my attitude. But I'm not easy to mess with. When they scolded, sometimes I scolded them, tit for tat, and directly reprimanded them. As the so-called righteousness, sometimes the more I scold, the more cheerful, they have nothing to do with me.

The second way is to scare, how to scare? That is to say, you don't know what the counter-revolutionary has done. If you don't turn around, confess your cooperation, and explain the crime, there is no way to survive now, only a dead end. At the time, although I had a fluke, I was much more frightened and felt that there might be some basis for it. Until the formal trial, sometimes it is thought that it may actually end in beheading. Even so, I did give up at the time, thinking that it would be good to be able to get out, but it would be fine if I was shot. So frightened and frightened, still can't scare a name.

The third way is to cheat. They told me, talk, talk, if you talk, we'll let you go and so on. For these nonsense, I don't listen to it, don't pay attention to it, so this road is blocked again.

The fourth method is to soften. The so-called softening is to publicize and brag about the government's policies, such as leniency for frankness and strictness for resistance. Sometimes even serious, long-winded to publicize. I don't listen to these great, empty words, so they're getting a slap in the face again.

When there was no arraignment, I was escorted back to the single cell on the second floor. The house is very small, just over a bed in width, a little over two meters, but not three meters long. At one end of the room, a wooden board is placed on the ground. This is the bed. On the right side of the door, there is a squat toilet, and there is a small pool next to it, which is also used for bathing.

In winter, the cell is as cold as a snow room. A quilt was covering him, but he didn't feel any warmth at all. When summer comes, although the cold is gone, there are inexhaustible mosquitoes, and they have to fight hard and fiercely every night. When I started to sleep, in order to avoid mosquitoes, I had to cover my head with a quilt, but after a while, it was so hot that smoke came out. He covered his head again and uncovered it, until he was exhausted and fell asleep.

The struggle was repeated the next night. It was only later that I learned that the mosquitoes in Huanghua Detention Center were trivial, but the poisonous mosquitoes in Shantou Detention Center were really powerful. The prisoners who came from there not only had many mosquito scars, but also never subsided.

The floor of the cell is very high, maybe five meters up or down. The luckiest thing is that at a height of more than three meters, a window was opened for ventilation and light. I don't have a clock, so I don't have a concept of time, only the distinction between day and night. Even the concept of time is deprived. For a civilized person, this is a very painful thing.

Although there is nothing to see outside the window, there is a passage below, and occasionally people walk around, but it is better to have a look than nothing. Because the window is high, the only way to look out is to put the wooden board used as the bed against the wall, and then stand on the edge of the board, grabbing the edge of the window and the iron branches.

The diet was poor, nothing more than porridge and salted tea, and only one or two slices of meat were eaten every week, which was not nutritious at all. Water is a glass of water every day, and then I kept asking for an extra glass of boiled water.

Soon after entering the detention center, you can read the "Nanfang Daily", and the news of the riots in Hong Kong on Christmas Eve was read in the "Nanfang Daily". I used to read books and said that prison is the best place to study, but it was not the first place in Huanghua Detention Center. In that cell, you can read with natural light during the day. At night, there is only a 30-burning light bulb hanging high, so dark Very, can't read at all. Later, I came up with a way to wet the water with a towel and throw it to hit the light bulb, so that the elastic filaments in the bulb overlap and shorten, and the light emitted is stronger, so that I can barely read. It's just that the lifespan of the bulbs made in this way is greatly shortened, and they are often burned out. The jailer is very angry and often wants to replace it for me, but he can't get the handle.

But even if the light bulb is bright enough, it is useless. Although I have been requesting to read the book, they just refused to approve it after almost half a year. So I used the money I had when I was arrested to buy three books, Marx's Das Kapital, A Dream of Red Mansions, and Dostoevsky's The Idiot. The day I received these three books from the jailer, I was beyond description. ​​

I finished watching "Idiot" all night on the first night. I am deeply moved by the tragic fate of the heroine, Natastasia Ferifna. Although I will have the opportunity to read Dostoevsky's "Crime and Punishment", "Insulted and Damaged", "The Demons" and other works in prison in the future, I think the most brilliant is the one. "idiot".

"A Dream of Red Mansions" I watched many times in prison. While reading this book, I noticed a strange phenomenon in myself. Whenever I open each page of the book and read it, the plot before and after, the relationship between characters, and even every word are vividly visible to me, so that it is not interesting at all to read. But once Qi Zai closed the book, he forgot everything. I think this is a manifestation of long-term solitary confinement, which makes memory and thinking difficult to concentrate. Now that I have left the prison, this strange phenomenon is no longer there.

The story of "A Dream of Red Mansions" is still deeply imprinted in my mind. However, reading "Das Kapital" at that time was at a loss. Because thinking cannot be highly concentrated, when reading this highly abstract classic of political economy, it is common to read a sentence without understanding what it means. In this way, it would not be interesting to read it any more, so I tried several times and couldn't understand it, so I gave up and didn't really understand Das Kapital until Mei Jianshi.

Back then, I was thirsty for books. This is a big change from the past me. Although I entered the University of Hong Kong, which is the so-called highest institution, I have always kept a distance from books. It can be said that I am university illiterate. Life in prison helped me a lot, when I used to have a dream of sitting happily in the library with books all around. In fact, since my days in the detention center, I have developed a strong desire for books. Liu Shanqing, who was illiterate in college, has become a thing of the past.

In the later period of the Huanghua Detention Center, the guard had a trip to the "Huang's Grace Amnesty", and he took the initiative to tell me that there were books in the detention center, and they could borrow books, and asked me if I wanted them. Of course I say yes. Later, two books were sent. One book is about politics, so don't read it. Although the other book is eight-part, one or two of them can be read. The one about the poet Ai Qing touched me deeply. It turned out that during the Cultural Revolution, like other famous intellectuals and writers, Ai Qing, the people's poet, also suffered bad luck and was exiled to the Northwest. After Ai Qing got on the train, a friend of the general came to the train station to see him off. He couldn't find him in the station, so he used the train's microphone to ask Ai Qing to get off and meet him. Most of the passengers who were exiles knew that Ai Qing, the poet of the original people, was also in the car, and they were very agitated. But Ai Qing knew that the general's friend wanted to see him, and that the passengers in the car were in a commotion, but he didn't dare to get out of the car, and he didn't dare to recognize it for the passengers. In fact, this episode has written the infinite sadness of the Cultural Revolution struggle.

Although Ai Qing did not dare to meet the general's friends, I inadvertently met Wang Xizhe twice while in Huang Hua Detention Center. One trip was during the arraignment, and when he was walking in the corridor, he saw that the jailer was holding a man with white hair, just like Wang Xizhe, who was walking on the other side of the corridor from a distance. I was very happy when I saw it. Another trip was during a haircut in the hallway. I took off my glasses and saw someone sitting next to me. I couldn’t see clearly, but I felt kind-hearted. It turned out to be Wang Xizhe. He called me Liu Shanqing first, and after I answered him, he immediately said that the money was for medicinal materials, meaning that he wanted me to cooperate with the confession and said that the money I gave him was not for the pro-democracy movement, but for medicinal materials. , in order to defend his innocence. At that time, my mind was not able to react in time, and I didn't understand what he said. After thinking about it, I understood what he meant, and I felt a little dissatisfied and disappointed in my heart.

I remember that when the CCP martyr Deng Zhongxia was arrested and imprisoned, he was about to be shot. Tao Zhu, who was already in prison but not in a warehouse, asked a prisoner to ask Deng Zhongxia's attitude when he was in the air. After hearing this, Deng Zhongxia was very excited, said a good question, and then said loudly, "I was born a Communist, and I am a Communist when I die!" When Tao Zhu found out, he said loudly at the iron gate, brothers, if you have money, you will help Deng for Deng. Big brother, this good man buys food. As a result, until more than a month before the execution, other prisoners paid to buy food for Deng Zhongxia, and he did not even eat a single prisoner's meal.

In fact, long before I saw Wang Xizhe, there was a prisoner who brought water and asked me in a low voice, "Are you Wang Xizhe?" , I'm Liu Shanqing." Since then, sometimes I think, I'm afraid Wang Xizhe is also in this detention center. During the time I was in the Huanghua Detention Center, I was very weak and often caught colds. It was difficult for me to concentrate while reading, and it was difficult for me to think. Sometimes I was even irrational. After the Mid-Autumn Festival in 1982, I was transferred to Tanjiang Detention Center. This detention center is located in the suburbs and the air is fresher. I was also locked in a single cell on the second floor, but it was wider than Huang Hua's, about five meters wide and six meters long, and the windows were larger. As for other aspects, it is similar to Huang Huake.

I still remember that once I let the wind out, I quietly pulled a small grass on the outside wall, secretly took it back to the cell, removed some cotton from the quilt, put it outside the iron bar of the window, and sprinkled it with water every day. , It has been raised for a long time, and the grass has grown very large. Until a prison guard inspected the room, the prisoners who followed the guards found it. Although they were pulled and thrown away as usual, everyone laughed. Every time I think about this little episode, I still feel warm in my heart.

On another trip, I saw a fat female prisoner from the window. When she was playing a prank, she howled like an owl, scaring the fat woman to flee like a mouse. To this day, I still remember the embarrassment of her running away like a mouse.

While in Tanjiang Detention Center, there was another episode related to Wang Xizhe. Once, I had a loud conversation with the prisoner diagonally across the iron gate. He asked me what I was doing, and I said I was involved in the pro-democracy movement. After listening, he said that he knew Wang Xizhe. When I asked him how he met him, he said that everyone in Guangzhou knew Wang Xizhe, and he also said that it was so miserable that you still have to work with them. At that time, I thought that at least the people of Guangzhou would not forget Wang Xizhe. One day, when the democratic movement revived, the status of the forerunner of the democratic movement would definitely be affirmed.

During the Beijing democracy movement in 1989, Wang Xizhe and I both thought so, but things seemed a little unexpected. If my memory is correct, either Wuer Kaixi or other leaders of the student movement in Beijing once said about the democracy movement during the Democracy Wall period, the past is the past, ignore it, we are starting from scratch and so on.

After returning to Hong Kong, I heard similar words even more strangely, saying that the pro-democracy movement in your period was qualitatively different from the current one. If history can simply drop the past and start over, we may have already entered the ideal kingdom by now.

In short, what was waiting in the detention center was a formal trial, and after the indictment came, the trial came. A month or two ago, or a little earlier, the procuratorate sent someone to send the indictment, when I had time to prepare my defense. I asked him what kind of court he was holding and the answer was open court. As soon as I heard it was an open court, I thought it was going to be shot this time, because my interrogators had threatened me to be shot. Speaking of which, the young man who sent the indictment was very arrogant, and he really scolded me. I scolded, you are not a judge, it's none of your business. He said that I am the law, which fully reflects the bureaucratic mentality.

In any case, when I received the indictment and returned to the cell, I thought and thought, and could not help shedding three or two tears, which were rare tears in ten years of prison life. At the moment, I just miss Ah Qing in my heart. The more I think about it, the more I feel dear, and the more I think about it, the more I feel that I will see you in the next life. I was most worried about her being unable to support herself or being overly sad. My parents didn't think much of it, just because they had been actively involved in sports since entering university, they seldom paid attention to my parents, and my parents seemed to be a little disapproving of me.

However, although sadness comes from the bottom of my heart, people are more determined and make up their minds, even in the scene of going to court, they must fight them to the end and practice court battles. I asked the people in the procuratorate for a copy of the Chinese Criminal Law, because I had no idea what Article 102 of the Criminal Law in the indictment was, so I asked him to give me a copy of the Chinese Criminal Procedure Law. He said no, and asked me to ask the director of the detention center if he wanted. I thought it was weird, but then I got a copy from the detention center. According to the criminal procedure law given by the detention center, I prepared a defense, but due to my poor spirit at the time, I couldn't write anything very brilliant, but I wrote one anyway.

The basic argument is this:

To say that I am a counter-revolutionary has to prove that I am a counter-revolutionary. This is their job, but they can’t show any substance to prove that I want to overthrow the state and the Communist Party at the same time, and the Communist Party alone cannot be counted as a counter-revolutionary crime according to the criminal law, unless I overthrow the Communist Party at the same time. nation. Besides, there is no witness to this. It is said that I committed counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, but propaganda and incitement are aimed at the masses, but I have never carried out any propaganda or incitement to the masses.

Secondly, because this case has dragged on for so long, it violates the procedures stipulated in the criminal law, so I should be released immediately. However, although the self-defense book is as written, the worst has been planned in my heart. The people from the procuratorate asked me again if I wanted a defender, and I said yes. It turns out that according to the Chinese Criminal Procedure Law, the defender can be a lawyer or a family member. I asked the family members to act as defenders, hoping that this would turn into a truly public interrogation, but they unreasonably refused this legitimate request. So, they had to find me a lawyer. The person who arraigned me also boasted for a round, saying that we are lawyers returning to lawyers, courts to courts, and we will not confuse them. I thought to myself right now, judges and lawyers, I'm afraid you're the same raccoon dog.

When the lawyer over fifty came with a young assistant, he first said that I could choose someone else to defend. I asked him first, my case dragged on for so long and violated the criminal law procedure. He was noncommittal about my opinion, which aroused my nameless fury, scolding him for what kind of lawyer, and said he wanted to defend me, but did not protect my interests in accordance with the law and fought against the authorities. At that time, I had already made up my mind not to cooperate with this so-called lawyer. On another trip, he said that I was guilty, and he provoked me to reprimand him again. His young assistant was so frightened that he even trembled when he spoke.

Before going to court, the lawyer chatted with me and asked me why I had so much time to come. I said it was taking advantage of my vacation time, and he asked me if I had any money and why. I said it was for justice, and he was speechless after hearing that.

Just before the trial, another episode occurred. I remember two times, several senior senior officials, especially the detention center, asked me to come out for a look. There was basically no dialogue, and I only heard their sighs. I think the reason they came to see me was because it was beyond their expectations, and I fought to the end, until there was a situation they didn't expect and didn't want to see. Maybe they thought I was young, and I was somewhat of a tough guy.

I think in southern China, among the pro-democracy activists who have been imprisoned, I should be the tougher one. On the day of the trial on February 7, 1983, I and two other prisoners left the detention center early and drove to the courthouse. Wearing a bracelet on my back, I sat in the back row with two other prisoners, one in his sixties and one in his fifties. I like the drive to and from the court very much, because I have been imprisoned for too long, and it is really pleasant to chat with someone. Besides, I can also look at the scenery outside the window. After spending a long time in the dark and monotonous prison cell, I am more and more amazed at the window view of the outside world. Both grass and trees are interesting. I remember looking left and right when I was in the car. I was very happy, without the slightest anxiety, without the slightest feeling of fear. I remember the most interesting scene was seeing a young woman with a big belly, arrogant and swaggering. It has been done, very majestic, like a big pregnant bitch, full of maternal pride and inviolable majesty.

I asked the old prisoner why he came in. He said he opened an electrical shop in Hong Kong and he brought a letter to him. The police identified him as a Kuomintang spy. He kept calling him innocent. He said, "Yes, yes, I am conscious!" I comforted him and said, "Then don't be afraid!"

The other, over fifty, revealed that he was from Guangzhou. He was a cadre and committed economic corruption. He was also in a bad mood. I had to persuade him not to be afraid, not to be afraid.

When I got out of the car, I was dressed in that chilling labor reform suit, and was escorted into a lobby. There were many people in it. I didn’t know if I was here to hear my case. I was taken into a small room, which was full Twenty or thirty interrogators with tense faces and expressionless faces, no need to carefully distinguish them, and you can see that these so-called audiences are just puppets arranged to fill the auditorium, so as to disguise the publicity of my interrogation. Communists are like this. They always have to work hard for things they don’t believe and others don’t believe, as if Hitler’s logic was right: a lie told a thousand times becomes the truth; Hundreds of times will become true.

Sitting in front were the judge, several jurors, all of whom were cadres or recruited from the factory, as well as the public prosecutor. It's about nine o'clock in court. The judge did a fake show again and asked me if I had any opinion on his presiding over the case, and if I had an opinion, I could ask for a change. I thought to myself that you should stop doing this, and exchange it, can it be exchanged for someone who dares to act with conscience and let me go straight? So he replied, no need to change, I have no opinion.

So the interrogation began like a rehearsal of a play. The prosecutor looked at the indictment and read it out word by word. Then came my self-defense. Of course, I put forward a very sharp defense and refuted point by point, mainly based on the preparation in the detention center to make them commit crimes, which is Article 102 of the Criminal Law: "For the purpose of counter-revolution, carry out the following acts One of the offenders shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not more than five years, criminal detention, public surveillance or deprivation of political rights; the ringleader or other serious criminal shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not less than five years. 1. Incite the masses to resist or undermine the implementation of state laws and decrees; 2. Counter-revolutionary slogans, leaflets, or other means of propaganda and incitement to overthrow the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system." And the so-called counter-revolution, according to Article 90 of the Criminal Law: "Those whose purpose is to overthrow the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system, endanger the The actions of the People's Republic of China are all counter-revolutionary crimes. According to these two articles, they can't accuse me at all, because although I oppose bureaucratic dictatorship in ideology, I support socialism, and it is only to fully realize socialist democracy, Socialism in which the people are truly masters of the country, so Article 90 is invalid for me. In terms of behavior, the democratic movement in the South at that time basically only demanded freedom of the press and the law to implement the civil rights guaranteed by the constitution. This does not violate the National laws or decrees. Secondly, I have never incited publicly or privately to the masses. Therefore, Article 102 does not apply, so I should also be released.

The prosecutor's answer to my defense was the most absurd scene in the entire trial, so absurd that it reminded me of Camus' "The Stranger". Camus's hero, not because of political beliefs, but still fought to the end in the trial, deeply felt the absurdity of existence. In this sense, he has gone beyond trial and sentencing, albeit at the cost of his life.

The prosecutor stood up and read the indictment again, word for word. The party who holds the power in the trial and exercises the right to kill and kill, even half a sentence does not target the defender's defense. I think it is difficult to find similar examples in ancient and modern China and abroad. The Communist Party is boasting about the legal system. In the process of reading it again, Dismantled for myself. So I told the judge that he didn't answer my defense, just read the indictment one more time. The judge ignored it and waited for a while and asked me again if I had any questions, and I said no. What's the problem? This court is not used to distinguish right from black and white at all, but to go through the motions, as a farce to imprison me and put on the so-called legal cloak, what's the problem? It doesn't sound like a real hearer, it's just a tool used to pretend that the interrogation is public. If it is a real public interrogation, I can tell the outside world!

In fact, I do have to wait ten years. After I return to Hong Kong, I can now make this "open" trial public in its entirety. The judge heard me saying that there was no problem, and announced a ten-minute adjournment. It is worth mentioning the defense of the lawyer before the adjournment. He said aloud that I was young and ignorant, that I was used by others, and hoped that the court would deal with it leniently. However, in the end, he went against the usual sonorousness of lawyers and added in a low voice: "I think Liu Shanqing is not guilty." His last addition, although low, was heard by everyone, which made them all feel very uncomfortable. Embarrassing, and I am very shocked, because his entire defense is based on my guilt, and he uses other factors to plead with the court. The last supplement, but overturns the previous basic argument, needless to say, the last sentence is his sincerity Words, the previous defense, is insincere. This once again exposed the hypocrisy of the mainland's interrogation system. Although he spoke his conscience in a low voice, I think when he did this, he showed a rare courage. I hope that after my case, the courage he showed in this link did not drag him down A sigh of relief.

After the resumption of the court, the judge read out a judgment that must have been prepared long ago. According to the criminal judgment dated February 11, 1983 that I received from the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court, I was tried in the first court of the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Criminal Trial. The public prosecutor was Zhang Da, a prosecutor of the Guangzhou People's Procuratorate. Conspiracy, the presiding judge is Zhang Rui, the two people's assessors are Xu Kaomo and Yang Hangmei, and the note-taker Wang Baoguo. My defender is Zhan Gongpu, a lawyer at the Guangzhou Legal Counsel Office.

The main content of the judgment (see appendix 2 for a copy) is as follows: This court confirms that the defendant Liu Shanqing was an anti-China and anti-communist element, and from the beginning of 1980 to the end of 1981... (The following basically repeats the indictment that records my so-called illegal activities) : Defendant Liu Shanqing's above-mentioned activities are aimed at overthrowing our people's democratic regime and socialist system. The above facts are clear, and the evidence is conclusive and sufficient.

This court holds that the defendant Liu Shanqing colluded with He Qiu and other counter-revolutionaries for the purpose of counter-revolution, viciously attacked my country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, resisted and undermined the implementation of state laws and decrees, and attempted to overthrow the people. The democratic regime and the socialist system have constituted the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. The crime is serious and he has refused to plead guilty. In order to defend the people's democratic dictatorship and ensure the smooth progress of the socialist construction cause, this court shall, in accordance with the facts, nature, circumstances and degree of harm of the defendant's crime, follow Articles 90, 102, and 100 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China. According to Article 52 and Article 35 of the "Chinese People's Criminal Procedure Law", the judgment is as follows:

Defendant Liu Shanqing was sentenced to 10 years in prison and deprived of political rights for three years (the sentence is calculated from the date of execution of the judgment; for those who were detained before the execution of the judgment, one day of detention shall be converted into one day of imprisonment). If you are not satisfied with this judgment, you may file an appeal petition and a copy to this court within ten days from the day following the receipt of the judgment, and appeal to the Higher People's Court of Guangdong Province.

When I heard the judge's verdict, I was most nervous about the sentence. When I finally heard that the sentence was ten years, I felt that "wet and wet" is not a death sentence.

The judge asked me if I wanted to appeal, and I still had some residual confusion in my mind. I still thought that the longer it was, the better it would be for me, so I would reply when I returned to the detention center. In the end, I submitted that, in accordance with the criminal law procedure, I requested that my defense be recorded, and the judge had no choice but to do so.

What I want to record is this sentence: "My Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years, not my personal misfortune, but the misfortune of the times."

So the court disbanded. When I looked back, all the faces of the audience were still expressionless, except for one middle-aged woman, who looked at me kindly and smiled, her eyes full of sympathy. And when everyone got up and left, the lawyer was still very depressed, sitting still, as if he was sad, and didn't dare to look up at me.

When the court police escorted me out, I accidentally bumped a chair when I was walking, and the court police almost tripped over because of the tiredness.

On the car back to the detention center, I was with the two prisoners again. They asked how long I was sentenced and I said ten years. I asked how long the old man was sentenced, and the answer was ten years. The younger ones are also ten years. Seeing that the two of them were very depressed, I quickly said, "Don't be afraid, it's fine as long as you don't get sick." The old man said that he was sick. He also said that he hoped that we would be in the same prison and that he would be happy to have good care. I said it seemed impossible. How should I describe my mood? Just put a big stone in my heart, now it's nothing, ten years, well, no need to beheaded, although it is a little longer than the initial estimate of five years. But I was still happy and relaxed in my heart, and I browsed the scenery along the way, as if Grandma Liu entered the Grand View Garden for the first time.

When I returned to the detention center to sign in and enter the warehouse, the jailer kindly asked me how long I had been sentenced. I said ten years, and he said yes, ten years is ten years.

According to the criminal law, I filed an appeal within ten days of receiving the verdict. How did the appeal go? Quoting the official statement first, according to the Criminal Judgment of the First Division of the Criminal Trial of the Guangdong Higher People's Court on March 18, 1983, the presiding judge of the Appeal Division is Guo Pinduan, the judge is Lu Kaiyang, and the acting judge is Zhao Jun, the clerk is Zheng Xiaorong. The ruling (see Appendix III for a copy) says:

This court holds that the appellant, Liu Shanqing, for the purpose of counter-revolution, aggressively carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda to incite, slander and slander the Communist Party of China and the socialist system, and colluded with, supported and financed the counter-revolutionaries He Qiu, Fu Shenqi and others, planned to set up an illegal organization and published illegal publications, creating counter-revolutionary and theories, in an attempt to overthrow the people's democratic dictatorship. His actions have constituted the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. The original verdict was based on the correct application of the law, the sentencing was appropriate, and the proceedings were legal. Therefore, in accordance with the provisions of Article 90 and Article 122 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, the ruling is as follows: the appeal is dismissed and the original judgment is upheld. This ruling is final.

The official article can't tell the truth. It can be said that it has been the case in the past and the present. The actual situation is this: the Court of Appeal has opened twice in total. The first time I was taken to a hall of the court, I looked left and right, I saw a judge and a secretary, so I hurriedly protested loudly and demanded an open court and a public hearing. The judge said that the High Court does not need to make it public, and I said it was against the law. The judge ignored me and asked me what I wanted to appeal. I saw that it was not a public hearing, and I felt it was meaningless to say anything, so I just said it casually, which ended the first High Court hearing.

The second court session a few days later, this time after they drove me to the courthouse in a car, they took me to another room. This time, there was only the last appellate judge. At first glance, I felt that this judge in his 50s or 60s seemed to have changed a lot in a few days. A few days ago, he was splendid, straight, sitting tall in front of me, but today, he seems to be old-fashioned, and he has changed into a different person. I took a closer look and saw that the clothes he was wearing were different. The last time he was wearing clothes, there might be a piece of cardboard or something to support him, and he looked so arrogant. People get old immediately.

In this so-called one-on-one appeal hearing, everything is a foregone conclusion, he understands, and so do I. The judge seemed interested in taking this opportunity to talk to me. I said that according to your criminal law, I did not commit any counter-revolutionary crime. He said that he just thought that I had committed a crime of counter-revolution and should be sentenced to prison. I got angry again and scolded him, saying, "You were a judge during the Cultural Revolution. Such a sentence touched a scar in his heart, and he was immediately heartbroken, and he couldn't help crying. This time, I actually turned against the guest and said something to comfort him. He cried for a while before saying that he was not a judge during the Cultural Revolution.

Later I thought about it, of course not. During the Cultural Revolution, you judges were unfortunate. Those who judged people were judged, those who judged people were judged, and those who murdered people were killed. Moreover, the trials were even more bizarre and the judgments were even more bizarre. , the killing is even more absurd. It seems that the judge must have suffered so much at the time that he was heartbroken when he mentioned the past. I asked him what he was doing during the Cultural Revolution. Only then did he calm down and return to normal, saying that what he did was none of my business, so the hearing was over, and the appeal was naturally dismissed.

Looking back on my performance during the entire arraignment and interrogation period, I was basically top-notch, tit-for-tat, and arguing. But on one occasion, I think after being detained for more than half a year, I couldn't stand the pressure and became confused for a while, and admitted my political identity. I think that the arraignment was almost over, and I admitted that I was a correspondent of the Gema League. They said that I am afraid it is not so low-level! I said that I was a member of the Standing Committee of the Gema League, and I wrote some simple materials belonging to the Gema League, but I didn't even answer the simplest and most common questions about the domestic democracy movement. But the weakness was only once, and throughout the arraignment, I was never confused again. I know that I belong to the Gemma League, which is a secret to the outside world.

Chapter 4 1970-1978 Participating in Political Movements

 When I was a college student, I was very active in politics to find a way out. When I entered college in 1973, the "Youth Radicalization Movement" was virtually over. Zeng Shuji and Li Zefen were the last of the "Youth Radicalization Movement", and I belonged to the "Youth Radicalization Movement" generation. In the academy, since I tended to be radical in my actions, and the Nationalist faction basically did not engage in social movements, and they felt that I was a bit hooligan and proletarian, they almost regarded me as a mortal enemy. In terms of socialism, I am relatively close to them, but due to their temperament orientation, they attach great importance to theoretical discussion, while I emphasize action, so it is quite incompatible.

Outside the academies, the "Youth Radicalization Movement" leaves behind four distinct political factions. I have made "pilgrimages" one by one. The first is the "70s". From 1970 to 1972, the "United Front of Workers and Students in the 1970s" initiated by Lao Wu and Mo Zhaoru was the most important core of the youth radical movement. They first established the first radical movement in Hong Kong at that time. The publication "Biweekly in the 1970s", and then organized social movements, mainly launched the Chinese movement and the fishing protection movement, and its leading ideology was anarchism. It was the leader of the movement when the quintessence faction had not come to power and the momentum of the "Youth Radicalization Movement" had not subsided. Later, after the Trotskyist tendency to split twice, the composition force was greatly weakened. At that time, the person I had the most contact with was Fu Laobing, and I had a good personal impression of him.

However, my impression of "Seven Zero" is flat, mainly because of two factors. One is that the people of "Seven Zero" do not recognize themselves as anarchists and say that they do not have a set of political ideology. What should I do with a set? Second, at that time, "Qi Zero" said that there should be no organization. I wanted to organize a movement. If there was no organization, there would be nothing to do.

The second group is "Reveal". Few people know about this group now. It turned out that when "70" was established in 1970, Tan Lianhui, Chen Yihan and others also started a publication called "High School Students Weekly", and privately established a Leninist political party. This is the first political party in Hong Kong's Qing Dynasty. Their basic tendencies at that time were nationalism and Marxism-Leninism, with a strong anti-colonial flavor. However, in the youth student movement, it is not as good as "Seven Zero", and the role of the vanguard is not clear. Probably in 1972 or 1973, they ended the "High School Student Weekly" and, like the "Gema League", focused their attention on the workers and published the workers' publication "Exploitation". During the period of 1974 or 1974, the "exposure" was quite close to the Trotskyist trend.

However, two events changed this orientation of "exposure". The first was when the "Gema League" launched the "Four Anti-Movement" in 1974 (i.e. anti-price increase, anti-unemployment, anti-poverty and anti- At the time of oppression), because the initial public response was quite good and the momentum was quite large, some of the activists who reunited in "Revelation" were quite consistent with the "Gema League" in their actions, which touched the sectarian sentiment of the small group of "Revelation". Begin to alienate from the "Gema League". The second thing is that after the failure of the "Four Anti-Movement", the "Gemma League" has been attacked. On the one hand, it is from the orthodox leftists, from leftist newspapers to trade union publications, and even peripheral publications, such as "Pangu Monthly" run by Feng Keqiang, Li Yi The "70s" (the predecessor of today's "90s") and so on. The other side comes from conservative forces, most obviously reflected in the media. In any case, the "exposure" has since taken an astonishing political turn to the Maoists. Ironically, the Tiananmen incident broke out at the beginning of the "Revelation" turn to Maoism in 1976, so the group disintegrated quickly, and like other Maoist groups, it was no fluke. At the time, I had a very good impression of "revelation". But after graduation, when I led the students of the "New Youth Institute" to visit "Revelation", Huang Yuzhen of "Reveal" told me that they had many problems, and in fact, even the "New Youth Institute" was inferior. After her self-demolition, I naturally no longer have hope.

The third group I contacted at that time was the "Socialist Youth Club", led by Li Ming, which published "New Trend of Thought", and was actually a youth peripheral organization of the "Chinese Revolutionary Communist Party", the Chinese branch of the Fourth International. In my impression, the "Social Youth Club" is quite an introverted Trotskyist-leaning organization, and its members, such as Xichang, have begun to attack other members in front of me, a non-member, which makes me think it is meaningless, so I have a mediocre impression.

The fourth is the "Gema League". Because they publish the monthly magazine "War News", it is sometimes called "War News". I am most impressed by "War News". When I first went to "War News", they were just holding a workshop for workers to discuss the struggle in Sri Lanka. I think they did it very seriously. The atmosphere of introduction and discussion was very good, and the participants were serious workers. In addition, I knew the action tendency of "War News", so it was more suitable for my taste. At that time, I was an actionist at all. I think here, or should briefly introduce the "Youth Radicalization Movement" in the early 1970s, the division and integration of Trotskyites, the rise of anti-Tropsch, and what happened before I joined the "Gema League". Here I can only use the term of the "Gema League" at that time.

Before the "Youth Radicalization Movement" in Hong Kong in the 1970s, the most important among young students was the Maoist tradition. However, due to the leftist riots in 1967, the activities of the Maoists among the students were quite secretive. Some groups such as the "Social Service Team for College Students" were basically the latent organizations of the Maoists. The two student protests that occurred in 1969, the Hong Kong University February Reform Movement and the Zhuhai Demonstration, were basically spontaneous actions. This kind of spontaneous struggle was international at the time. The United States, France, Italy, Germany, Japan, the Philippines, Australia is full of student protests. A characteristic of the international youth student movement at that time was the tendency of the New Left, which opposed both capitalism and the traditional left, represented by the Soviet Union and China. Of course, within the chasing New Left there are anarchism, Marxism, guerrillaism, and many other messy and immature political schools. In Hong Kong, after the two student movements, the "Seven Zeros" represented the strength of the New Left. From the very beginning, "Seven Zero" took social movements as its mission. The two major sports at that time, the China Sports and the Fishing Movement, were actually launched at the social level by "Seven Zero", which attracted the participation of college students. Therefore, the student group put the student newspaper first and the student union last, and invested in the movement. Therefore, later people thought that the student leader was the student movement leader at that time, but it was a beautiful misunderstanding. But it is quite accurate to say that the editor-in-chief of the student newspaper at that time was more radical.

Although the scale of the youth radicalization movement at that time was not large (compared to the period of the 1989 pro-democracy movement), the radicalization process was very deep. During the fishing campaign, the process of politicization actually began to take place. Looking back now, the politicization of the year developed in two separate ways. Within the academy, politicization started around nationalism, anti-colonialism, and anti-capitalism. The result of the split is the "national quintessence faction" that accepts the Maoist tendencies of Chinese-style socialism, and the left-leaning "social faction" that supports social struggle and takes a certain distance from China's problems. But politically, the "socialist" did not go any further, and it disintegrated in the future.

Outside the academies, politicization took place mainly in the "seventies", and the main divisions almost repeated the historical divisions of the First International period: Marxism or anarchism? But the Marxist tendency mentioned here is basically based on opposing Stalinism. After the old Trotskyist Lou Zichun, Wang Fanxi, Xiang Qing, Peng Shuzhi, and Chen Bilan intervened in Hong Kong and French politics respectively, the Marxist tendencies turned into Trotskyist tendencies and joined the Fourth International. In 1973, Trotskyist tendencies basically dominated the "70". However, since there were two tendencies within the "70" at that time, the Trotskyist tendencies were not united, so the anarchists turned in turn. It has to be preserved within the "Seven Zero", but the two splits are Trotskyist tendencies. Within the Fourth International, which originally represented the Trotskyist movement, there were profound differences on the issues of youth radicalization, the Vietnamese revolution, the struggle in Latin America, and even the Cultural Revolution in China. The majority faction and the minority faction headed by the American branch; Peng Shuzhi, a former CCP veteran who became a Trotskyite together with Chen Duxiu, is one of the leaders of the minority faction.

Among the Trotskyist tendencies of the "Seven Zeros", Lao Wu represented the majority tendencies, while Li Ming represented the minority tendencies. At that time, there was another serious difference between the two factions, and that was the question of the old Trotskyites. It turned out that many Chinese Trotskyists came to Hong Kong around 1949. In the early days, they also did some publishing work, and did some trade union and mass work. It gradually disappeared, with no publications, no conferences, and no development organizations. But when the younger generation of Trotskyists appeared, they carried the "Taoism" and wanted to lead the young Trotskyists. In this regard, people from the old Wu side believed that the so-called "revolutionary Chinese Communist Party" existed in name only and the Trotskyite organization had to be re-established, but Li Ming's side supported the "revolutionary Communist Party" and obeyed the leadership of this party. Therefore, under the leadership of Peng Shuzhi and the "Revolutionary Communist Party", Li Ming and the anarchists united to exclude Lao Wu's side. News" this portal.

Soon, anarchism within the "Seven Zero" in turn expelled Li Ming from the organization, and they published "The Left Bank", targeting middle school students for their political work. In 1974, when world capitalism broke out for the first general recession after the war, inflation and unemployment hit the working class of Hong Kong greatly, and workers fought spontaneously to protect their own interests and oppose unreasonable dismissal. At this time, the "War News" began to take effect, and it successfully intervened in several struggles. As a result, in the later period, it was able to recruit workers with strong fighting spirit to form a "Workers' Committee" and launch the "Four Anti-Movement". On the other hand, because the "left bank" target was middle school students, even the college students started to ebb in politics at that time, of course there was not much development in middle school students, and "War News" soon took the initiative to demand the unification of the young Trotskyists, so it came to the "Four Antis Movement" Before, the young Trotskyists had been unified. Unfortunately, with the support of the "Revolutionary Communist Party" (the so-called Chinese branch of the Fourth International referred to as "Central Branch"), at the last moment of the merger, Li Ming and one or two other people split off and established the "Social Youth Club". . Back to the development of Maoist tendencies. In the early days of the Youth Radical Movement, since the orthodox left had no specific policy on the "Youth Radicalization Movement", many students with Maoist tendencies joined the movement.

After the fishing operation began in 1971, Maoist tendencies became more explicit. The "Protecting Diaoyu Club", represented by Zhou Luyi and others, basically used the nationalism triggered by the "Protecting Diaoyu Movement", hoping to lead to a "unification of China movement" and to change "Protecting Diaoyu" into the CCP's united front offensive at the mass level. After entering 1973, the leftists were more clearly determined that the general line was not to engage in social struggle and to help China develop diplomatic relations friendly to the West. Under this general line, the "national quintessence faction" opposed the line of the student movement, which buried the student movement in the 1970s. In the future, some prominent figures of the "national quintessence faction" boasted that they were leaders of the flaming era, but they were in fact shameless lies. Another "sacred" job of the Maoists after 1974 was to attack the Trotskyists. More than two years later, China has changed, and as a political faction, the Maoists have come to an end. At that time, the leftists attacked the Trotskyists in a variety of ways, and the most prominent one was the use of the "politics of lies" that the Maoists used to do. In leftist newspapers, leftist peripheral publications, student publications under the control of the "nationalist faction", trade union publications, and a mimeographed publication "Youth Newsletter" designed to attack Trotskyites, Trotskyites are not only described as anti-China, anti-Communist, He was against the people, and was first slandered as a spy of the US Central Intelligence Agency. Later, due to the improvement of Sino-US relations, he became a lackey of the Soviet revisionist KGB. Fundamentally, from the very beginning, the Left did not want to engage in an upright political-theoretical dispute with the Trotskyites, because if such an argument occurred, the core of the problem would definitely be the bureaucracy and socialist democracy. And these problems, which happen to be the weakest of the Maoists, actually exist and cannot be covered up with rhetoric. The way the leftists avoid political debate is to take advantage of the fact that the general public is basically unfamiliar with the development of the international Marxist movement, and casually describe the Trotskyites as spies of the US imperialists and Soviet revisionists. At that time, many trade union activists adopted an attitude of "preferring to have what they have" because they did not know where to go. Therefore, many changed their sympathy for the Trotskyites to an attitude of alienation. One of the fundamental factors that led to the "Four Antis Movement" from the very beginning to its failure was that the Maoists' campaign of lies played a role in changing working-class activists' attitudes toward the "war news." In 1974 and 1975, the Maoists besieged the Trotskyites and had a notable sequela, that is, the Trotskyites began to be isolated for a long time in the social movement.

Since the failure of the "Youth Radicalization Movement" in 1973 and the spontaneous struggle of the workers in 1974 was basically ended by the failure of the Trotskyist "Four Anti-Movement", civil servants and teachers have begun to take shape. These movements began to focus on broader social issues in the second half of the 1970s and were therefore known as pressure groups, the precursors of today's democrats. At that time, these new trade union movements and the social struggle they supported had basically two characteristics: the first was to exclude all manifestations of radicalism; the second was to avoid confronting political issues head-on. In other words, deradicalization and depoliticization. Therefore, no matter how big these movements are, they have not started the process of radicalization and politicization like the youth radicalization movement in the early 1970s. Another important manifestation is that these emerging movements are politically pragmatic, that is, they are often not measured by principles, but by actual results. For these emerging movements, Trotskyites are both a political group and a radical organization. They are not welcomed by conservative forces and are criticized by leftists. Therefore, the most convenient way is to inherit the traditions of the "quintessence faction" and the Maoist faction. , continued to isolate the Trotskyists. This phenomenon remained unchanged until 1976 when China underwent great changes and Mao Zedong Thought began to collapse. After I came back, I heard from a friend that, in fact, the situation had not changed until the 1980s. I think this is the case. If the isolated person needs to reflect, the isolated person may also seriously reflect. It was not until the pro-democracy movement of 1989 that the current democrats had no choice but to accommodate these radicals in the lineup of pro-democracy movements. After understanding the general background, I recalled that when I was a student, I was running around these radical organizations. In fact, I really wanted to break through the isolation and bring the radical groups together with the students, but after several efforts, it was still to no avail. The most important factor, apart from the rise of the "nationalist faction", is that the main youth radical movement has declined.

It is said that when I first went to the headquarters of the "Gemma League" in To Kwawan San Shan Road, when I entered, I saw a large poster of Lenin, and thought to myself, "War News" is the same as the Communist Party. . At that time, I saw a portrait of another poster, and I asked Mrs. Wu, who later became Mrs. Wu, his girlfriend of the day, is this Trotsky? She said in a sarcastic tone that it was Marx. Indeed, at that time, I could not tell the difference between Marx and Trotsky not only in appearance, but also in thought. I just vaguely wanted to pursue revolution, but intuitively I hated Lenin and proletarian revolution, just like many young people who started to radicalize. , I am naturally anarchist and existentialist. Of course, this is just a manifestation of political naivety. As far as I can remember, Old Wu had the intention to absorb me, but I still didn’t know anything about Marxism. The so-called door is as deep as the sea, if you join, how will you be involved in the student movement in the future. Therefore, although I feel similar to "War News" in temperament and practice, I still don't want to develop a closer relationship. By early 1976, as I said, I started to have Maoist tendencies in my thinking. In this regard, I have shown my own pragmatism. Trotskyites have no signs of isolation, and they do not engage in student movements, but only in labor movements. The socialist faction has not developed very much, and it is going downhill every day, moving towards small circleism, and it is difficult for me, an action faction with gangster-proletarian tendencies, to tolerate. On the contrary, the Maoists have a lot of room for development, at least they can actually do some work, and after graduation, they can get together to get some workers to study and work, so they turned to the Maoists in a confused way. Fortunately, as soon as the Tiananmen incident occurred in the fourth or fifth year, any wishful thinking about Chinese-style socialism disappeared.

However, after graduating in 1976, I still joined other current graduates (most of them from the "Catholic Colleges and Universities Association") to start the "New Youth Association" in Tsuen Wan. In the early days, the leadership of the "Xinqing" was mainly Maoist. For many of my classmates, graduating from college means the beginning of a career. For me, graduating from college forces me to make life decisions faster. Compared to when I first joined "War News," I was much more left-leaning when I left university. The idea that the working class should be the masters of the country and that the system of exploitation should be abolished was deeply ingrained. Politically, I was always thinking about what way to go. Obviously, working at the "Xinqing" workers night school did not provide me with a satisfactory answer. At that time, another member of "Xinqing", Du Cheng, told me privately that he had secretly joined the "Gema League". The reason why he keeps his identity secret is mainly because the external environment is very hostile to the Trotskyites. In order to facilitate his work, he concealed his identity so as not to be isolated once exposed. And to join the "Gema League". He said that if he did not join, there would be no way out and no place to stay. During that period, Du Cheng and I were old friends. When we returned home at Xinqing in the evening, we often chatted after supper together. However, after he revealed his Trotskyite identity to me, he did not engage me politically. This situation continued for almost a year. During this period, I often asked him about the "Gema League", so I knew a little about the "Gema League", and I felt that it was politically close to the "Gema League".

Almost a year later, Du Cheng seems to have decided to absorb me and put it up front to me. My first reaction was that once I joined the Trotskyites, there would be no future in the movement, and people would definitely be excluded. But I agree with all the political opinions put forward by Du Cheng. For example, do you want socialism? Has the CCP fallen? Should bureaucracy be changed? In fact, at that time, I also felt that I agreed with the main political position of the "Gemma League". I already felt that I had to not join, and I couldn't give a reason for not joining. Therefore, when Du Cheng forced me to make a political statement on the second night, I agreed to join.

In the early days of joining, I worked in a special group. There are only three members of the group, the other two are Lao Wu and Du Cheng. Other members were later added to the group. At that time, I was not very interested in theoretical issues. I remember the time when our group was studying politics at the stadium next to Ma Tau Wai New Village. Old Wu brought us an English document, but I didn’t read it at all. Then Old Wu explained it very carefully, and Du Cheng seemed very interested. , I listened with relish, but I was absent-minded, as if I couldn't hear a single sentence, but I was watching people play football. I was so impressed with that political study because it took many hours! At this time, the "Gemma League" began to develop new organizationally. After the defeat of the "Four Anti-Movement" in 1974, all the old leaders were demoralized. The only one who stayed was Lao Wu. The others either quit or left. After going abroad, it was called political study and absorption of experience, but in fact, none of them achieved fruitful results.

After the disintegration of the old leadership, the tendency towards adventurism deteriorated, creating serious internal divisions. The logic of the adventurists is that the more radical the action, the greater the effect. As everyone knows, in the absence of a mass base and a lack of specific mass sentiments, the result of rashness will only lead to greater isolation and setbacks in politics. The radicalists of the "Gema League" actually tried the hardships brought about by radicalism in 1975 and 1976. They provoked and confronted the police on the streets, which resulted in imprisonment. This is the "youth radicalization movement" since the 1970s. "This is the first time he was imprisoned, but at the same time, the aggressive tendencies of the "Gema League" during this period have given conservative pressure groups even greater excuses for unprincipled exclusion.

When I joined, the "Gema League" at least temporarily overcame its adventurism, and the organization began to develop somewhat, mainly in terms of student work. In addition to the publication of "Progressive Students", many middle school students were reunited. On the other hand, they work among the most politicized university student activists, and they have achieved some results. Even if they do not join, they are politically close to the "Gema League" and can be said to be sympathizers.

After these relationships were established, when the Golden Jubilee Incident broke out in 1977, although the Maoist-led Golden Jubilee teachers had strictly guarded against Trotskyites from the beginning, after the movement, the "Gema League"'s analysis of the Golden Jubilee Incident and the Criticism of leadership, politically successful enlists several active faculty and students to join in secret. About this, I believe that few people outside know about it.

In 1974, Li Ming split off and established the "Social Youth Club" when the young Trotskyists merged. The most favorable condition of the "Social Youth Club" is that it has the financial support of the old Trotskyites, so that they can publish the "October Review" and "New Thought" stably. Their main strategy for developing the organization is political learning. Most of the members of the "Gemma League" are from the movement, either the student movement, the labor movement, or the social movement, and they are often activists or leaders. The members of the "Social Youth Club", with the exception of a small number of them who were born in the "70s", were mostly from political study classes and had relatively little experience in sports. In fact, organizations rarely intervene in social movements politically. Putting forward its own point of view from the outside is very different from the orientation of the "Gema League" which is trying to get involved in every possible way.

When I joined the "Gema League", the "Gema League" and the "Social Youth Club", which were originally separate, had the opportunity to merge again.

The emergence of different organizations due to the same political inclination is politically unprincipled and a manifestation of sectarianism. The Hong Kong Trotskyites are divided, and the core of the problem comes from the old Trotskyists. The so-called "Revolutionary Communist Party", the Chinese branch of the Fourth International, is in fact almost a political party on paper. These old Trotskyite party members, with very few exceptions, have not been politically active for many years at all. However, in order to preserve its own status, the Standing Committee of the "Revolutionary Communist Party" declared that the party was an underground party, using a small group system, and boasted about how many members it had. In fact, the party has long since existed. Shit" psychology is sometimes really hard to understand. As for the true face of the "Revolutionary Communist Party", Chen Bing, a deceased old member of the "Revolutionary Communist Party", said that he was fully qualified because he was originally a member of the Standing Committee of the "Revolutionary Communist Party". In 1975, he led one or two other old Trotskyites who were willing to take part in the "Gema League". However, on the part of the Fourth International, Leninism is the most important thing, and it has repeatedly demanded organizational unity.

Old Wu also supports the unified reorganization, but he emphasizes that the qualification as a member is that in addition to political approval, one must also participate in practical work in action. The "Revolutionary Communist Party" knows that if it is reorganized in this way, most, if not all, members of the party will not be eligible to become members. Therefore, the "Revolutionary Communist Party" has always delayed the merger by: To put it splendidly, I think it is necessary to clarify political understanding and differences. As we all know, eggs can sometimes be nitpicky, and it is most convenient to use discussions to postpone, because no matter how big or small, you can discuss and argue endlessly. As the youth wing of the "Revolutionary Communist Party", the "Social Youth Club" was originally in step with the "Revolutionary Communist Party" and adopted the same approach to the merger issue. However, the political development of minorities within the Fourth International has changed this situation. It turned out that the minority had serious differences with Peng Shuzhi on several political issues.

Ironically, when Peng Shuzhi agreed with the minority, they did not find that there was a problem with the "Revolutionary Communist Party". Once there was a disagreement, they immediately felt that the problem was serious, and believed that the pace of merger should be accelerated. And Li Ming was following the minority politically, so the merger issue turned around. In fact, due to such political differences, the "Social Youth Club" led by Li Ming and the "Revolutionary Communist Party" were on the verge of splitting. I could see that Wu was very nervous about the merger. The superficial reason, as he said, is that he hopes that after unifying the forces, he can concentrate all his efforts, develop the strength outward, and strengthen the influence. It is not a principled difference, which can be verified and corrected in practice. Old Wu was the first to start a movement in the "Youth Radicalization Movement", and he didn't want to be entangled in the almost endless and effective discussions at the merger conference for a long time. This kind of mentality is very understandable. However, according to my observation, he may have realized in his heart that the adventurists within the "Gema League" had no future at all, so he hoped to merge as soon as possible to supplement the strength and replace these adventurists, but he may not have a sense of it. Will admit it to myself, because after all these members have been with him for a few years.

In order to participate in the merger discussion of the "Social Youth Club" and the "Gema League", I became an open underground member. For me, the merger discussion was the first profound politicization. I remember that one of the main topics was adventurism. with tailism. At the meeting, the "Social Youth Club" criticized the "Gemma League" for being aggressive, thinking that radicalism is everything and action is everything. This is the so-called "spontaneity" tendency. I think it is quite common for this tendency to appear spontaneously in mass movements. In the early "youth radicalization movements", "preferring to the left over the right" was sometimes part of the The motto of the activists, of course, I myself tend to be like this. The most important thing is to "do it". If there is no action, there will be nothing. Therefore, of course, I vigorously defend the "Gema League" from my point of view and from my understanding. The "Gema League" criticized the "Social Youth Club" for being tail-ism. Since the establishment of the organization, when has the "Social Youth Club" launched a campaign? When did you get involved in the struggle? Basically none. Basically, the "Social Youth Club" only made comments from outside the movement after the movement developed, and the "Gema League" believed that no matter how correct such comments were, the only value was to provide historical lessons for later generations. Realistic movement can't help. The crux of the problem is that the position of the "Social Youth Club" is at the tail end of the mass movement.

Another issue that I remember discussed at the merger meeting was the future of Hong Kong and the political model after the end of British colonialism. My initial reaction at that time was that 1997 was so far away from 1978 that it seemed superfluous to discuss it. Who would have guessed that after ten years of imprisonment, 1997 was just around the corner, and it had already become a matter of concern to Hong Kong society. Recalling that at that time, two politically immature groups, the "Gema League" and the "Social Youth Club", had already When it comes to the agenda, it can be seen that the materialist dialectics is indeed far-sighted.

What impresses me the most is the plan of attack and governance proposed by Li Ming at that time. Basically, all social strata elect representatives in a certain proportion to form a parliament, which is basically consistent with the concept of the "Basic Law" of the CCP later. Later in prison, after I learned about the Basic Law proposal from the newspapers, I felt that the depth of Li Ming's thought was admirable.

Another plan, in my impression, was proposed by Lao Wu, which is roughly a parliamentary system composed of all universal suffrages. After discussion, the latter plan was approved. Old Wu was very happy with this result, saying that this was the first time since he met Li Ming in 1971 that Li Ming had not insisted on his opinion. After the merger meeting resolved the issue of the future political model of Hong Kong, unification was quickly reached. After the reunification, the organization is still called "Gema League". In my mind, this was the Spring Festival of 1978. Since then, I have fully devoted myself to the organizational life of the "Gema League", and my identity is only kept secret from the outside world.

According to my understanding, this merger is actually two politically immature factions, in fact, small organizations in decline, hoping to reverse their fate through unity and move towards prosperity. But in reality, the result of the merger is like turning two patients over and putting them together. The result is not better, but the impact on each other is worse. When I was reflecting on this issue in prison, I thought that it would be better to disagree, although it might be the same fate as disagreement. On the surface, when the merger seemed to be strong, there were more than 40 members at least. However, the actual work after the merger has not progressed. The first problem happened unexpectedly in the publication. Before the merger, except during the labor movement period, the "Gema League" had a long-term situation of unstable publications. In this regard, the "Social Youth Club" performed much better, publishing "New Thought" more regularly and assisting in the publication of "Ten". Monthly Review. However, the combined publication "War News" is published irregularly. This actually reflects the problems created by the new organization after the merger. Shortly after the merger, the rash wing of the original "Gema League" quickly became depressed, either acting negatively or simply quitting the organization. Even the leading members who were elected to the Standing Committee had the same problem. At the same time, members of the "Progressive Students" who were born in the original "Gema League" also retired one after another.

These two types of members are actually the main backbone of the operation of the "Gema League", so they have a great influence. The original "Social Youth Club" also had problems after the merger. A member of Li Ming's education began to establish his own small sect. At that time, I had already said, "The master (Li Ming) has changed, but the apprentice (Yuzhi) has not changed." The one who had the most intense conflict with the small sect of Healing, happened to be Li Ming. After a period of mischief, this small sect became more and more sectarian, and finally pulled a group of immature "bulls" and split unprincipled. He went out, gained the support of the old Trotskyist Xiang Qing, and established a small sect that still exists today.

Another study and discussion that had a great impact on me after the merger was the discussion of the draft resolutions of several conferences of the Fourth International. I remember that the first motion was about socialist democracy, and it was written by Mandel. He proposed that the center of the struggle in the next stage was the issue of democracy. At that time, I accepted this view, and the experience of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in recent years has also verified this. argument. It is a pity that after Mandel proposed the document, almost all the main leaders of the Fourth International opposed it. As a result, another draft, "The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Socialist Democracy" was to be re-launched. I do not agree with this draft. Mandel did more than once. His views on post-war capitalism had already established the view of "Neo-Capitalism", but under the criticism of Trotskyites, "Neo-Capitalism" became "Late Capitalism. I I felt that his insistence on the original view was in line with Taiwan's actual development. In any case, most of the "Gema League" at that time opposed the original draft and accepted the later resolution. Other documents in the international resolution deal with the Afghan revolution, the Vietnam issue and the Cambodia issue.

As far as I can see, after the Afghan and Cambodian regimes came to power, the so-called murder and arson, all evils, should not be supported at all. However, some members, led by Li Ming, closely followed the opinions of the international minority, believing that the basic nature of these countries is non-capitalist, so they should be defended when confronting imperialism. At that time, although I did not have a rigorous theoretical foundation, my attitude towards things was scientific after all, and I would definitely not reverse the facts. In fact, I left the Maoist trend of thought because I could not argue that the Tiananmen Square crackdown was justified. That's why, later in prison, I finally developed into a Marxist-Leninist who truly mastered dialectics of materialism. On the contrary, I could see clearly at that time that Li Ming's tendency would eventually lead to the embrace of idealism.

The Democracy Wall Movement started. After I held the "Cultural Trend" democracy movement meeting, I immediately held a meeting with the Standing Committee of the "Gemma League" to discuss the issue of how to do democracy movement work. Li Ming's opinion is that if you want to carry out democracy movement work, the organization itself It had to be restructured so that it could work underground. I object to this opinion, and believe that we cannot wait for the reorganization of the organization to start the work of the democracy movement, but must start the work of the democracy movement immediately. Second, I don't think the "Gema League" is politically qualified enough to go underground. I don't think it is possible to go underground unless the organization is politically mature to a certain extent. I feel that later facts confirm my opinion. In any case, since the other members of the Standing Committee were in semi-depression at that time, I was able to carry out the pro-democracy movement through me.

I had a lot of freedom in my work on the democracy movement, and since my political level at the time was actually a radical democrat, my work was to develop friendly relations with the mainland democracy movement, to build up economic and sympathetic support forces outside, and to engage with the domestic democracy movement. Discuss specific tactical issues, such as whether to go down or not, whether to establish the National People's Press Association, etc. I think if Lao Wu does the actual work, the orientation must be political intervention, ideological influence, and even recruiting people and establishing development organizations. Zeng Shuji of the socialist faction basically put forward a similar orientation that emphasizes political intervention.

In any case, when I was engaged in the work of the pro-democracy movement, although it was the work of the "Gemma League", firstly, the entire Standing Committee began to feel depressed. Second, because the specific work was too sensitive, the Standing Committee only discussed political issues, not specific issues. become my main work. There are only a few other members of the "Gemma League" who occasionally help me in the pro-democracy movement. When the pro-democracy movement emerged in China, the "Gemma League" generally declined. The unification did not solve the problem, but instead deepened the original crisis in different ways. However, the emergence of the democracy movement has strengthened the confidence of the organization, thus indirectly strengthening the vitality of the organization, slowing down the pace of decline and prolonging the lifespan. It is easy to understand that the pro-democracy movement is a stimulant. For a long time, the "Gemma League" has diagnosed China as a bureaucratic country, and proposed that under the oppression of the bureaucracy, the people will wake up and act against it sooner or later. Now we look at this point of view, almost for granted common sense. Therefore, this is because there was a democracy movement in China in 1989. In the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the one-party dictatorship was actually ended by the power of the people. However, more than ten years ago, this common sense now seems to be inexperienced by the radical left. evidence, and is often subject to various theories from right and left. It's a pity that there was a correct view on this issue more than ten years ago, and it was at least ten years before anyone or any faction went to the "Gema League". no longer exists.

Chapter 5 1983 to 1984: Running to the rescue

 Missing is in vain

Shan Qing, let me tell you bluntly

The news of your disappearance came after Christmas

Dozens of older kids gather at Baffin Road

run for help

Running is in vain

Calling for help is useless

we raise our hands

but no angry fist

We all care about the disputes in the Falklands

How much gold is worth frying

Is Landmark's acquisition of HK Electric still a viable option?

we have to go to work tomorrow

Follow the price by phone

Gotta get off work

We need to get married even more

fall in love with an RV

a higher paying job

just don't care about tomorrow

Shan Qing, you must have lost your job.

Your future is uncertain

you're not a miss

almost six months

you're not worth a trial

But you have to be careful

the people you visit

It's the one-year anniversary of their arrest

No interrogation was mentioned

we can't sleep

Because I think tomorrow will be prosperous

But you look forward to waking up alone in the middle of the night to watch the democratic sunrise

we still miss

We are still running for help


This is a poem written by my poet friend Wu Lunan in May 1982. The title is "Missing Shanqing". At that time, I was in Huanghua Detention Center and was blocked from all communications with the outside world. Naturally, I could not read this poem, nor could I know that my friends and comrades in arms had set up a "Rescue Liu Shanqing Committee", and they had no way of knowing that they and I. My parents, visited the Xinhua News Agency and the offices of the unofficial members of the two bureaus, but they were all ineffective, and contacted the Hong Kong government, the police station, and the immigration bureau. The Security Secretary replied that the Chinese side said that I was a national of the People's Republic of China and was "detained by the authorities for illegal acts").

Socially influential people are also said to have remained silent and left unnoticed. No wonder Ying Liuhui initially described my whereabouts on the mainland as a "big disappearance".

The CCP keeps saying that it wants to uphold the rule of law, and this "big disappearance" of me is actually a big joke and a big irony. According to the "Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China" passed on July 1, 1979 at the Second Session of the Fifth National People's Congress, and implemented on January 1, 1980, any person who is "detained shall not hinder the investigation unless he is detained. Unless it is impossible to notify, the reason for the detention and the place of detention shall be notified within 24 hours to the family members of the detainee or his unit” (Article 43).

Obviously, the CCP authorities did not do this, and blatantly violated their own laws. The only possible defense is that the CCP authorities were unable to notify my family members, or that informing my family members hindered the investigation. It is impossible to establish without notifying my family. Correctly write my address on the indictment. So, unless my case is that once the family knows it will hinder the investigation. Regarding this, I don't think it's valid either. All my interactions with the pro-democracy movement took place in the mainland. How would my parents know about it? Unless the CCP authorities are afraid that my case will come out, there will be an uproar in the outside world, so they avoid the important ones and hide the truth at all costs. However, going back 10,000 steps, I might as well make a generous assumption that during the investigation, notifying my family members did hinder the investigation by the public security authorities, and I would be more generous not to ask why doing so hindered the investigation. Despite this assumption, the Chinese authorities have violated their own Criminal Procedure Law.

Why am I so eloquent? Because according to the legal procedures in mainland China, after the public security organs complete the investigation, they are transferred to the people's procuratorate for review and prosecution (or exempt from prosecution). According to the "Indictment" in my case, after the Guangzhou Public Security Bureau completed the investigation, it was handed over to the Guangzhou Municipal People's Procuratorate on July 3, 1982, and officially issued an indictment against me on August 25, 1982. 's indictment. In other words, a decision to prosecute means the investigation is over. According to Article 50 of the Criminal Procedure Law, “After an arrest, unless it hinders the investigation or cannot be notified, the family members of the arrested person shall be notified within 24 hours of the reason for the arrest and the place of detention. Or his unit."

Then, after August 25, 1982, the situation of "obstructing the investigation" no longer existed, and "not being able to notify" was not established. Disregarding the law, is it the interrogator or the interrogated who tramples on the legal system? The CCP authorities have violated the law and isolated me from my relatives and friends in the outside world. My relatives and friends in Hong Kong don’t even know where I am, or even my life and death, which makes them worry and worry more for no reason. Normal people cannot understand the reason for this practice, but the bureaucratic tyranny of ignoring the life and death of the people, the legal system, and outside inquiries is obvious.

After returning to Hong Kong, my father recalled to me what had happened. When he spoke, I found that he had changed. He had gotten rid of the habit of a petty citizen who was a loyal, diligent and fearful old worker, and occasionally added a comment, saying, what is a crime to engage in democracy outside the mainland? ? No sin. Difference of thought.

This is how he recounted how he ran to Yangcheng for me, and traced my whereabouts.

"You went to the mainland for about a week, and a friend of yours called me and said that you had a problem, that you might offend someone above, and that you couldn't go back to Hong Kong. He asked me to find a way to go to the mainland to find you or something. I didn't even go looking for it. I didn't know it would be so serious.

"After more than a month, I still haven't heard from you, and I started to feel a little bad, so I started to apply for a home return permit, and I was going to go back to the mainland to find you. At the same time, I went to the police station in Hong Kong to ask them for assistance. , the police said that you may have broken the law in the mainland, so they haven't come down for so long, and they don't know the news for the time being. After more than a month, I got my home return permit and really set off to Guangzhou to find you.

"When I returned to the mainland, I had no goal at all, and I didn't know where to look.

"As soon as I (father) entered Shenzhen (the entry and exit record of my father's return permit was from March 12 to March 14, 1982), the customs treated me as a serious problem. I am sure He was on the blacklist. They carefully searched my luggage and seized my documents. They asked me what I was going to do, and I said that I had no news of my son, and went to Guangzhou to find him. Then I waited for more than an hour and brought him to me. In another investigation, I asked what happened, and they said that your new home-return permit seems to be a little different. They investigated me again and asked me what I was going to do, and I said straight to my son Liu Shanqing, who has It disappeared at the end of February. They asked where to look. I said I don't know. I don't know where to look. When they let me out of customs, almost all the passengers left. So I went straight to Guangzhou.

"When I went to Guangzhou, I stayed at the Xinya Hotel. I took a taxi and went to the Public Security Bureau. I didn't know which one I went to, but I ended up going to the police station in the Nanfang Building. I went in and asked about your whereabouts. They said they didn't know. I I asked if the law was violated? They said they would send it to the court, and I asked if I could return to Hong Kong? They replied that I could return to the place of origin, which naturally refers to the matter after serving the sentence. No result.

"After staying for two days, I originally wanted to leave. But I couldn't achieve my goal. Shan Qing, you still don't know where you are, so I wanted to go to the police station to ask. So I got into a taxi and told the driver to go to the police station. He asked which public security bureau I was going to, and I thought to myself that I didn’t know which one to go to, so I told him that the biggest public security bureau was the one, and he took me to the city bureau.

"The city bureau wants the person who receives me to know about your case. He said that Liu Shanqing has violated the law of the state and will be interrogated for the time being. I asked what the law was, but he didn't reveal the slightest bit. I asked to see you, but he was not sure. I said that my wife and I are both old, we have come to rely on our children, we hope that the country will understand and so on, and I asked if I could write to you. He said that if it helps him to confess his sins and reform, then he can, otherwise not. I thought at the time. Thinking, writing or not writing has no effect, so I didn’t write at that time.”

My father went to Guangzhou for the second time from June 17th to 19th, 1982, and the third time from March 23rd to 25th, 1983. Every time I was running between the public security bureau and the court, every time I asked to see me, I was not approved. However, the cadres of the relevant departments did not forget to brainwash him, that is, the so-called ideological work, hoping to influence me to confess guilt through him. When I went to Guangzhou for the third time, my father used the back of his factory's daily production sheet to write a letter of pleading to the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court:

"I am a metal worker, I am fifty-nine years old. I have one wife and four children. My daughter is married. The second son is an apprentice. , the punishment is deserved. I beg the judges of the country to appreciate the difficulties in the lives of our foreign compatriots, please ease my son's crime, and save us from being old and helpless and unable to eat and warm. I hope the motherland government can accept it. My request." (March 23, 1983)

I think my father was isolated and helpless at the time, and probably had a little illusion about their propaganda. They thought that China would be like what they said. The country is most caring for workers and sympathetic to overseas Chinese. How could he know that the best thing the CCP authorities do to workers and overseas Chinese is to fool them. When my father wrote this plea letter, I had already been sentenced to ten years in prison on February 7!

Less than a week after my father went to Guangzhou to find me for the third time, my mother and aunt came to Guangzhou together to track down my whereabouts. This was from April 1st to April 5th, 1983.

Mom's memory goes like this:

"When we walked to Guangzhou, we went to the Public Security Bureau first. They said it was nothing to do with the court. When we went to the court, they said it was none of their business. Liu Shanqing had already been sentenced and handed over to the Bureau of Labor Reform. Said, your family members should have known, someone should have informed you, I said no, no one has ever informed us. That person is a kindhearted person, saying that I will call you to contact the person in charge of the city bureau, who knows who will open the door We waited at the court, waited, waited, waited for a long time, and there was no news, the man said, why don't you go to the labor reform bureau to find the prisoners now sentenced, the labor reform bureau is responsible, and he also wrote Zhang Zhang Give me a note asking me to go to No. 1 Xiaochang North, and we left the courthouse. Just as we were about to take the bus, the man chased after him and said that he had found the person in charge of the Public Security Bureau, and asked us to go to No. 1 Xiaochang North now. , someone came out and waited for me.

"When I met the cadre, he returned the car and we went back to the hotel to get things first. He said that the weather was too cold, and my auntie didn't want to go there. She also said that I could bring something for Liu Shanqing. I don't know what to bring. I have never been to a prison in Hong Kong. , I don't want to go. So I brought you some Hong Kong cookies and shirts.

"Before meeting you at the No. 2 Detention Center, that person explained the rules to me. He can't say anything about politics, revolution, etc. He can rest assured that I don't know what politics and revolution are. People outside are not allowed to mention it. , you are only allowed to talk about family matters, otherwise you will not be allowed to see him and will be brought back. He also said that it is best to persuade you to confess your guilt, and to write a letter in the future to persuade you to confess your guilt and so on.

"When I saw you, Shan Qing, I couldn't even speak. I didn't know what to say. I asked you what happened, and you said they said you were guilty of counter-revolutionary crimes and sentenced to ten years. I saw You look sluggish, your spirit is very poor, you seem to be about to collapse, and your heart is very sad. Later, when you think about it, you seem to have some confidence, and you tell me, don't be afraid, the environment will change sooner or later, as long as there is democracy, It will be released immediately, and you will be able to come back immediately. I think about it, this is to comfort yourself and to comfort me.”

About a month later, my father came to visit me at Tan Jiang Detention Center again. Since then, he and my mother have come to visit me twice a year, sometimes together and sometimes separately. At first he was fooled by those cadres and wrote me this letter:

"...You took the wrong path, turn back early, the love and righteousness of your parents for you, and the support you expect in your later years, whether you can support your parents, your parents will not complain about you, and what you don't like to do, Your parents will not pressure you to do it or scold you. There are several decades in your life, you have to cherish your time, we can't help you, only you can help yourself, work hard, your parents have done their best. It is our own, the discipline of the country is the law of our people, and we must follow it well. Our country is getting stronger and stronger, and the international reputation is getting higher and higher. This is the glory of our nation. Teach, I am afraid that we will not be able to reunite in this life. Calmly and clearly see the path we need to take, and have the opportunity to learn Mandarin as much as possible. Mandarin is the language of our country and can be used in the whole country. Listen to my teaching and strive to go home early, we are waiting for your return. If you need anything, please write home.”

Later, according to what he told me, his thinking changed, and he thought that I had not committed any crime at all, so he simply did not persuade me.

According to Ah Qing's recollection, the 1986 "China Spring" case of Yang Wei had the greatest impact on his father. Yang Wei publicly used the identity of "China Spring" to distribute leaflets in Shanghai University, but he was only sentenced to two years in prison. My father was very angry when he found out about this, saying that Yang Wei was only sentenced to two years for his actual actions. It's just that if you give Wang Xizhe some money, you will be sentenced to ten years. Ah Qing said that since then my father changed his attitude and began to meet with some of my friends, such as Father Gan Haowang, who was on a hunger strike for me. He also began to reveal his initial experience of running around the mainland. Before that, he had been cautious and didn't want to touch my friends, and I'm afraid it would hurt me instead.

Having said that, when I was sentenced, I returned to the detention center and waited to go to Meizhou Prison. One day in early April, the detention center notified me that there was an interview, and I was stunned. I took me to the underground corridor, which was outside the building. I still remember that it was a sunny day, and I saw an old guy on the side of the road. He seemed to know about me, and he scolded me, "It's useful to die." Like, I ignore him. The jailer who took me was kind to me. When I saw my mother, I was stunned again. Because I always thought that my parents would ignore me. And when I saw that my mother was alone, I thought to myself, then my father ignored me. How did I know at that time that my father had come to Guangzhou three times for me, running between the public security bureau and the court. .

I saw my mother's eyes were red, and she seemed to have a new haircut for me, which made me laugh in my heart. When she saw me, she copied what the cadres taught her, saying that you should listen to the government's words, confess your sins, and obey the law. When I heard it, I got angry, couldn't bear it anymore, and immediately scolded her. When Mom gave me something, I couldn't help scolding her again. I saw her bring this and that, but she didn't bring a book, and what I wanted most, and what I wanted to read in my dream, happened to be a book. She asked me what book do I want? But I couldn't answer, because when I was in Hong Kong, I was really ignorant, didn't read or read newspapers, and didn't know any famous writers, so I couldn't answer for a while.

In fact, when I was in the detention center, when I was reading the "Nanfang Daily", I saw a book mentioned in the newspaper that I thought was interesting, so I copied it down, but I didn't take it with me for this meeting. I was in a bad mental state and had no memory. , so what book you want, you can only tell them when you communicate with your parents in the future. For example, the letter I wrote to my parents in April 1984 was mainly to request books.

"Dear parents: I have received the letter and the letter. Please do not send me food in Shenzhen. Taijiquan and canned food are of no use to me. My fourth brother is married, and I am very happy. I hope they understand love. Love is only It can only be produced on the basis of no comparison. You do not send me books, I am very angry. Please send the following books: 1. Selected works of Dostoevsky; 2. Selected works of Tolstoy; 3. , Anthology of Gorky; 4. Chernyshevsky's "What to Do"; 5. Anthology of Chekhov; 6. Hemingway's English novels; 7. Dickens's English novels; 8. Hugo's anthology; 9. Balzac "Human Comedy"; 10. Dictionary of Cantonese, Hakka and Teochew; 11. Complete version of the International Phonetic Alphabet; 12. Japanese dictionary. Shan Qing, April 15, 1984"

In any case, scolding her the first time she met her, it wasn't the last. Later, when I met my parents, I was often angry and had a bad attitude. Later, I probably got used to it, my mood settled down, and when I started to reflect, I regretted treating my parents like this.

However, the biggest blow to me at this meeting was the letter from Aqing that my mother brought. A Qing said in the letter: If you plead guilty and obey the law and reform well, I will wait for you. In fact, when I quoted Ah Qing’s letter to my parents earlier, I deleted two sentences for the convenience of description, and left them here to add them. After the letter, I was very excited, I thought that I was fighting them so fiercely here, and you tried to persuade me to surrender, so I asked for a piece of paper and wrote a letter back to Ah Qing immediately, but I was so excited. It's a mess, but the main point is that I don't plead guilty, and I don't fight for reform. I'm not guilty!

After returning to the warehouse, my heart was so sad that I couldn't bear it any longer. Tears just kept flowing. I never dreamed that I would die here, and my dearest person even persuaded me to bow my head. I didn't hate her, I just felt angry. This was the most unforgettable and emotional scene in my prison. After returning to Hong Kong, when I mentioned this to a friend once, I couldn't help but shed some tears. However, even at that time, I also knew that no matter what I choose, Ah Qing will definitely wait for me. Before going to Guangzhou for the last time, I once joked to her that if I get caught, you will marry. Bar! Probably because I expressed it inaccurately and taught her to misunderstand what I meant, thinking that if I said that if I was arrested, she would ignore me and get married. In fact, I wanted her not to wait for me.

After so long in prison, I never doubted that Ah Qing would not wait for me. After returning to Hong Kong, it seems that many people have waited ten years for Ah Qing, which is very strange. When a reporter asked this question, I replied, this is not surprising, not surprising, many people are like this, Wang Xizhe's wife, not waiting Has Wang Xizhe been with Wang Xizhe for more than ten years? Hearing me say this, some people say that Liu Shanqing is a chauvinist. I disagree, so I have no doubt that Ah Qing will not wait for me, no reason, just because true love has no doubts and is based on complete trust.

After I met my mother for the first time, the detention center had not allowed me to exercise my right to communicate with my family. I kept requesting to communicate with others. After I was sentenced, I asked to communicate with my family again. The guard said it was okay. I wrote many letters to my parents. But there was a chance, I saw that all the letters I wrote to them were placed on the desks of the cadres, and they were not sent to me at all. Is it because they thought that the content of what I wrote at the time was too complicated and directly told my feelings, or was it for other reasons? , I have no way of knowing, in any case, the communication with the family should really start after going to Meizhou Prison.

Chapter 6 1983 to 1985: The Phenomena of the Meijian Monster

 People say that schools are the epitome of society. In fact, prisons are not only the epitome of society, but also reflect the outside world in a tragic way. Many prisoners even said that China is a big prison, and we are sitting in a small prison. Later, I lived in this microcosm of prison for a long time, and sometimes I always wanted to visually call the outside world, but could not find a proper name. Until one evening, when our squadron was lining up for the roll call on the playground, I heard a cartoon on the TV called "Adventures in the Liar Country", and I was very happy, wasn't it? Isn't our country, a country dressed up in grandeur, a country of lies?

Looking over the history of the past half century, Mao Zedong, who founded the country, was a big liar. He is the bastard who knows the most shameless and shameless lies to the most people, and who is the best at talking without counting, and having to settle accounts after the autumn. If the top is not right, the bottom will be crooked.

During the period of "Three Newspapers and One Magazine", the reality of the whole country was replaced by only a few simple and beautiful cowhides, which is almost known to the whole world. Even after Deng Xiaoping came to power, the situation did not change at all, and if you look at the cannons of Li Peng and Yuan Mu during the 1989 pro-democracy movement and the June 4th Movement, you can already see a thing or two.

In prison, we hold general meetings or small group meetings almost every day. I call them bragging meetings, because although the people who are ordered to listen seldom believe it, the people who are in charge of bragging may not necessarily believe it. The policy, the responsibility below, is to be praised every day and night, to be consistent and to implement it, whether you believe it or not is another matter.

When I was in the detention center, because I was in solitary confinement, I didn’t know much about it, but once I entered Meizhou Prison, it was like entering another world, so let’s start from the beginning.

Let’s say that after I was sentenced in February 1983, I knew that sooner or later I would be sent to a formal prison. After half a year, it was still silent, and I didn’t know where to rest in the future. Not long before the Mid-Autumn Festival, one day I had When I had the opportunity to speak loudly to the prisoner in the adjacent cell, he said he was going to be on his way soon, and that I was going too. I asked him how he knew it, and he said that he saw my name on the list. At that time, I thought he was just talking about cowboys, but didn't take it to heart.

Two days later, before dawn, the jailer had told me to pack my things and go downstairs for inspection, and then I knew that this trip was really going to be on the road. The inspecting cadres detained all the things I wrote; what I wrote at that time were mainly complaints and defenses. Speaking of materials and the like, there is no personal feeling or the like. I quarreled fiercely with him, but he just wanted to detain him, and in the end I couldn't do anything about him. In fact, the purpose of my quarrel was to inform the brothers in the neighboring warehouse that I was leaving.

When I was on the road, it turned out that several people specially escorted me to take a Toyota van. This was considered a special treatment. Generally, more than ten people took a car. These people were not from Tanjiang Detention Center, nor from Meizhou Prison. , I think it was sent by the Laogai Bureau, and he was quite polite to me. He told me not to make trouble along the way, otherwise he would use sleeping pills to deal with me. I thought to myself, there is no need to argue with them. So he wore the shackles, sat in the car, and browsed the scenery all the way. It was very enjoyable. In this way, it started early in the morning and sat in the Meizhou Prison until more than 4 o'clock in the afternoon.

This prison is located in Meixian County, northeast Guangdong, near Shantou. As soon as I arrived at the gate of Mei prison, Chief Liu of the Prison Administration Department was already waiting for me, and told me not to talk to other prisoners, so as not to be beaten. I thought to myself you wanted to isolate me, and certainly didn't want me to associate with other people. Only later did I find out that Prison Mei treated me specially. Before my arrival, the prisoners had instructed the inmates not to interact with me, so it was obvious that they were very nervous about me.

At the same time, another labor reform prisoner, Cai Qian, was designated as my teacher. The surnamed Cai is from Chaozhou, and he is in his 40s. The cadre reflected the words and deeds of the co-criminal), when I came in, he had been in prison for 15 years and was charged with murder. It turned out that in the early days of the Cultural Revolution, Cai Qian was a foolish soldier (that is, the People's Liberation Army). On the wedding day, he chased the neighbor's old debt of five yuan for the bride. year. Divorced soon after with his titular wife.

While in prison, he specialized in harassing prisoners, earning the nickname of "monster", which means that he eats flesh and blood and fats himself. The prison sent him to guard me, and it became one of his credits in the future, allowing him to be released early. After only 17 years, I was released after I was in Mei Prison for about two years. Why is there a master in prison? It turned out that although Meizhou Prison was designed for prisoners, its organization was no different from that of general production units.

After the prisoners were incarcerated, they were assigned to squadrons. There were ten squadrons in Meijian prison. There were two machinery production squadrons, which produced auto parts for the domestic market. Another maintenance machinery squadron was responsible for the production of molds and maintenance work. , responsible for melting iron and cast iron; a blacksmithing squadron, responsible for blacksmithing and forming, all of which produce auto parts; a woodworking squadron, responsible for producing furniture, and I believe it is also marketing the domestic market; an agricultural squadron, responsible for growing vegetables and raising poultry, supplying prisons, and some supplying outside Market; an infrastructure squadron, in addition to some internal prison building maintenance work, also contracted external projects; a medical squadron, responsible for the health and medical care in the prison, and a housing squadron, responsible for the food inside the prison. Except for the small scale of the medical squadron and the housing squadron, each of the other squadrons has more than 100 people, and each squadron is divided into more than ten groups, which are divided into the same warehouse. A group of two.

The No. 4 Squadron I was assigned to is the Machinery Production Squadron. Our daily life is similar to that of a production unit. Just like ordinary workers, we have to go to work every day for eight hours. As you please, there are also movies from time to time, both domestic and foreign, and martial arts are the main ones.

After get off work every day, there is almost always a squadron ordered to study politics, which is a bragging conference. In the production unit, the apprenticeship system is adopted. First, it is necessary for production to facilitate the transfer of skills. Second, the barbarians are used to control the barbarians.

Cai Qian was responsible for teaching me about mechanical scribing. Until he was released from prison, my relationship with him was very poor. The reason was very simple. He was flattering cadres, and I basically held an attitude of resistance. In fact, on the first day in prison, he has begun to come into contact with the microcosm of society. Before entering the prison, I took Chief Liu to the workshop. When I met the production cadres in the cadre room of the workshop, almost half of the prisoners at work poured in, and they interjected to ask me who my last name was, what crime I committed, and what sentence I was sentenced. Very strange. When I settled down and lived for three or two days, I felt even more strange. It turned out that the prison at that time seemed to have a very democratic atmosphere, and the outside world was far inferior to that of the outside world. . The intensity of the words was stronger than what I talked about with Wang Xizhe before. What Wang Xizhe and I dared not say, they shouted out unscrupulously. Some prisoners even openly boasted that they were fighting with the party, and said it with glee. At that time, prisoners were in prison not only free speech, but also behavior, discipline was almost non-existent, and they were in a state of anarchy.

It was only later that I found out that this strange phenomenon appeared. It turned out to be mainly in 1982 and 1983, when the outside world was the most chaotic, the old ideology disintegrated, the opening-up policy and economic reform had just begun, in addition to suppressing the democracy movement, many local upper-level officials There is no unified opinion, so the following cannot follow, discipline is abandoned, and corruption, abuse of office, and economic crimes are suddenly rampant. According to the prisoners, Shantou, a coastal city, was the most chaotic one, because at that time the smuggling and fortune-making trend was at its peak. In Shantou City, every few households, almost someone is arrested for smuggling. At the same time, because the upper levels have not yet been unified, the general direction is unclear, and the cadres’ hearts are uncertain, and they don’t know what will happen at the moment. Therefore, the management of cadres in the prison has been greatly relaxed, and the internal discipline has been relaxed to an unimaginable degree. There was chaos inside the prison, and the most obvious one was fights. In the case of loss of order, not only single-player, bullying, but also more serious group fights occur, that is, group-to-group fights, one squadron fights another squadron, or prisoners from the same village beat prisoners from other villages. Dead people are not uncommon. In the coastal cities, Shantou is very chaotic, so the Shantou Detention Center is very chaotic.

In the Shantou Detention Center, all kinds of absurd things can happen. The cadres of the prison guards even regarded the prison cell as a dangerous place and dared not enter it lightly. The director tried holding an electric baton and went into the warehouse to teach the troublemaker a lesson, but even the electric baton was robbed by the prisoner, and he fled in embarrassment. In fact, the anarchy in the prison is alarming, and the guards have to arrest the prisoners and enter the warehouse in groups. Several will deal with one, and the prisoner will not be caught until he is exhausted. It was also tried that when the prison guard peeked through the door to see what was going on in the warehouse, he stabbed the prisoner with a bamboo pole, and it was almost reimbursed when it was inserted into the eye. The prisoner opened a hole in the wall and climbed to the barn to play, which was a trivial matter. It is not surprising that prisoners quietly took some money during family meetings and asked the jailer to buy cigarettes and food on their behalf.

The Shantou Detention Center even had troubles during this period. At that time, there was a prisoner who played the guitar very well. He had many frictions with the cadres and beat the cadres many times. One day he cut his finger, wrote the words "Fight to the End" on his shirt with blood, and held it out of the warehouse like a flag. As far as the influence went, the whole warehouse turned out to be a rebellion, and in the end, of course, it was suppressed. Later, when the policy was tightened, a few people who took the lead in making troubles were caught and shot, and this guitar player was naturally unable to escape the disaster.

Although the Shantou Detention Center got its name out of chaos, the Meizhou Prison was no easy task. The reason is that the prisoners in Mei Prison are either Chaozhou people or Hakka people. Chaozhou people are often transferred from Shantou Detention Center. When they were in Shantou Detention Center, they had already formed cliques and planted hatred. After coming to Mei Prison, they met. In the past, when enemies were enemies, they would just like to provoke the party.

When I entered Mei Prison, it happened to be a turning point when the temporary chaos was coming to an end. At this time, the above had launched the "Heavy and Fast Movement", using an iron fist to deal with crimes and killing them, and the chaos in Mei Prison, in addition to killing people. In addition to restraining the prisoners, the head of the prison should also personally come forward, summon the leading figures of the prisoners' gangs, and tell them that the past is over, and that no more provocations and revenge will be allowed in the future, otherwise the prison authorities will no longer be polite. Coupled with the fact that the movement to suppress killings is still in the ears, the incident of beatings by prisoners has gradually decreased.

When I was imprisoned, the state of anarchy had not yet ended, so although the prison authorities ordered me not to associate with other prisoners of labor reform, in fact they could not control it. Although Cai Qian was loyal like a dog, how could I not betray the Communist Party? Even though I am resentful, there is nothing I can do about it. It should be noted that if I tame, the credit will go to him, the head of the labor reform. On the contrary, if I am disobedient, he will blame the cadres. When officers saw me talking to other prisoners, they often ordered them to go away.

I remember the first day or two in prison, chatting with a thief named Wu Yatai on the second floor. The instructor surnamed Jiang pointed below and told him not to talk to me. At that time, I felt that calling the prisoner away from me was very bad for me. A big insult, I was so angry that I almost wanted to pick up the flower pot and threw it on the instructor's head. When I entered the warehouse on the first day, some prisoners came to cross-examine me and asked what my name was, and I answered Liu Shanqing directly. When they heard that I was speaking the vernacular (Cantonese), they answered generously, how much they liked me, and when they asked what crime I had committed, I answered "counter-revolutionary" directly, which added to their goodwill. After they knew that I was Aberdeen, they looked at me more differently. , so not only did I not get punched or kicked, but I got acquainted with them. Needless to say, those who first came to interrogate me were the most daring, most ruthless, and most troublesome tyrants. Many newcomers to prison are not pleasing to their eyes, or their words are flickering, and they have to be beaten to pass the test.

Why do you have a good impression of the vernacular and Aberdeen, and respect for the "counter-revolutionary"? It turned out that at that time, China had ended the old fashion of seclusion and self-preservation, focusing on business and making a fortune. Everyone began to look at money. When everyone looked at the whole country, they found that Guangzhou and southern Guangdong were unique because of their proximity to Hong Kong. So people who speak Cantonese vernacular are treated differently. Aberdeen comes from this prosperous and noble place, and they are used to seeing the world, so of course they should be given special treatment. When it comes to "counter-revolutionaries," they are usually regarded as petty spies, and because they dare to pinch the beard of the Communist Party, they are objectively out of anger for them, so they have high status. Therefore, among the most troublesome people, I, a vernacular "counter-revolutionary" Aberdeen, are not unknown.

At that time, one of the first interrogators, surnamed Guo and Yonglong, was a super tyrant who beat people at every turn, and beat them extremely fiercely. As soon as the "heavy and fast movement" arrived, he became the number one target and was the first to be shot.

What kind of guy is this "heavy and fast movement"? It turns out that Deng Xiaoping just said that China started the movement itself, and the words were still in his ears, and he launched the "heavy and fast movement". The goal of this movement is to end the chaos and restore order in prisons and society through tough measures. This is the unity of the upper levels. , the performance of the joint to clean up the situation. Those who are heavier are sentenced to a heavier sentence, and those who are quicker are to close the case as soon as possible. After the start of this movement, those who commit new crimes and those who commit serious crimes are shot quickly, and those who commit adultery are often convicted of rape. In the prison, the same is true by shooting, adding sentences, and canceling the household registration and exile to the northwest, to quell the prisoners, end the state of anarchy, and restore the repressive order of the past. When I was incarcerated, it happened that the prisoners had already heard rumors of murder, and everyone was in danger. Because in the past, there were group fights and riots, and very few prisoners of labor reform did not participate. In expressing all behaviors, he does not dare to act as easily as in the past.

It is said that when dealing with Guo Yonglong, a very tense and scary meeting was held on the playground first. Everyone walked out of the playground to line up, and the sticks they usually carried by themselves were not allowed to go out. It is believed that the cadres were afraid that the prisoners would use them to commit murder. Guo Yonglong and others were dealt with. The prisoner, tied with all kinds of flowers, stood in front of us. After the cadres made three applications and five trainings, and trumpeted the above policy, they knelt down according to Guo Yonglong and read the verdict. The judgment was determined by the court, based on the materials submitted by the prison cadres. Those who were sentenced to be sentenced to exile or even to be shot, did not know until they died that it was impossible to refute the defense during the whole process. After the solemn meeting, everyone returned to the warehouse. Upstairs, we saw the stupid soldier escorting Guo Yonglong to the vegetable field not far away, knelt him down, and shot him in the back from behind, killing him. I stood upstairs and saw the execution scene with my own eyes. I felt a very special feeling. After the sound of the gunshot, the surroundings seemed to be very quiet. When I watched this scene, I actually shed tears. Even from a humanitarian standpoint, I am also against the death penalty. I found a funny thing at dinner. It turned out that people were shot during the day and pork was added for dinner. Also, after the shooting, the group will have to hold a meeting, and the prisoner will have to express their support. When it was my turn, I didn't say anything, as usual, everyone else counted him and expressed their support, but I was always stubborn and silent. Besides, I actually oppose the death penalty, and have no reason to support the Communist Party to kill.

Listening to the old inmates chatting, the shooting of prisoners in early mainland prisons was even more barbaric. The first is that the prison authorities used explosive bombs to execute the execution. After a single shot in the head, the head was broken and the brains were scattered. The prisoners and the families of the prisoners were disgusted. Later, there was a lot of quarrel, and it was known to the above that the use of shotguns was prohibited. The second is that more than one person was shot, and the family members of the deceased were asked to charge 50 cents for ammunition, which was unacceptably sad.

After Guo Yonglong was shot to death, the prison authorities wanted to do more tricks to intimidate him. The method was to find the five most disobedient prisoners to carry the dead bodies. Among the five prisoners, one of them was Wu Yatai, whom I mentioned first. When they went to the corpse, they were dumbfounded. Each of the stupid soldiers slapped them first. The most "eye-catching", knowing that the shoulders shrank, and the face was relieved, and the pain was not that much. After having a slap to greet each other, one raised his hand, the other raised his foot, and the other raised his head, and the five of them worked together to lift it. I heard them say that this work of carrying corpses is easy to say, but terrifying to do, don't you believe it? One of the lifters, Lin Shunxiang, couldn't be bothered by this terrifying experience, so he went to the Northwest.

This Lin Shunxiang is an old man in Chaozhou in his 50s and 60s. He was born in a peasant family and came from a poor family. He belongs to my group and lives in the same warehouse with me. In fact, he didn't do anything bad outside, he just committed adultery with people. In fact, this kind of adultery is just a concept left over from the feudal era. In Hong Kong, it is nothing more than an extramarital affair, and there is nothing so ugly as adultery. It was tragic that the old man Lin was in trouble with the judge, and he even threatened the woman to sue him for rape, otherwise both men and women would be severely punished. This woman frightened the judge. In this environment where there is only rule of man, and where is the rule of law, she could not help but have no choice but to obey the judge's wishes, and she should be a rapist with the best evidence, so the judge imposed a severe sentence and sentenced him to 15 years in prison. That is. Old man Lin was a clever man, and he played chess well. He was known as the "chess king" in prison. As everyone knows, if he made a mistake in this color, he would lose everything in the game. After entering the prison, the old man Lin is not a bad person, and he hopes to show a positive attitude and strive for a commutation of the sentence, which is a matter of course. Little do they know that he may have turned ashes because of this. In addition, in the eyes of the prisoners, although this old man has no offense, his face is disgusting, so he has made an enmity with others. One day the planer was broken, and old man Lin took it upon himself to repair it, but the screws were not tightened tightly, but instead, the planer was damaged, causing a catastrophe.

It should be noted that in the eyes of the Communist Party, production is the most important thing, and human life is the most precious, so production tools are naturally very precious. The Communist Party has always promoted how to sacrifice life and protect property, which has clearly reflected this concept. Therefore, the cadres were naturally very angry with the old man Lin, and some who had hatred against him would fan the flames, saying that he was deliberately sabotaging, so the cadres had a worse impression of him. The old man couldn't bear the reaction of the cadres either, thinking that I repaired the planer out of good intentions, and then the idea of ​​​​destroying, so the mood is even worse. This has become a vicious circle. In the eyes of the cadres, the old man is really resisting, and he will be treated even worse. Finally, he will be regarded as the worst type, and he will be sent to carry the dead body. Old man Lin was humiliated in public and wanted to lift the dead body, and he was extremely angry. In addition, the experience of carrying a corpse was very terrifying. Since then, I have often had nightmares and suffered a great blow. I often told me that in prison Mei, he could no longer stand, and someone wanted to harm him, and finally he finally signed up automatically. Go to the Great Northwest, saying that you will no longer miss this place and go to the Great Northwest to escape. After he went to the Great Northwest, it was unknown whether he would escape or stay, whether he would live or die.

Wu Yatai, who carried the corpse with old man Lin, was luckier than him. The thief Wu Yatai's father was also a habitual bandit, a frequent visitor to the prison, and finally died in prison, and his mother remarried with someone else, so he wandered around the world since he was a child, fighting and stealing for a living. Before coming to Meijian, he started serving a seven-year sentence at the Meijian Tea Farm, and he had a grudge against a father and son cadre. This Wu Yatai is a tough guy, and he is not afraid of being hit. According to what he told me, he kicked cadres a lot since he was a child, and gradually he experienced a truth. It is said that when the father and son cadre beat Wu Yatai to death, he said to the father and son, the injustice and the debt, you beat me so badly, as long as my Wu Yatai survives, I swear to kill your father and son. Later, one day, the windows and doors of the room were not locked. Wu Yatai was really looking for something to find the butcher knife that killed pigs and used it to kill the father and son cadre. Butcher, this matter was later known to people, and the tea farm also knew that it had become too big, and sooner or later something would happen. Fortunately, the "heavy and fast movement" had not yet arrived. After the procuratorate found someone to understand the matter, they transferred him to Meijian. Later, when the movement came, Wu Yatai himself said that this investigation could save his life. If he stayed in the tea farm, he would surely die.

In fact, after the start of the "reinforcement and quickness movement", new arrests in society, or those making troubles in prisons, were continuously shot and executed. of. There are many more examples of severe sentences and more severe sentences.

During this period, Ah Ching kept an eye on the mainland in Hong Kong and was worried about my safety to the point of tears, fearing that something would happen to me. The mood swings were the same as when I first disappeared. But I can see clearly in it that the spearhead of this movement is to restore order and crack down on criminal and economic criminals, and certainly not political prisoners like us.

Having said that, after Wu Yatai transferred to prison Mei, he still likes to fight and cause trouble. One time, he was arrested with a few other prisoners and sent to the solitary confinement room. In the middle of the night, he unexpectedly untied his shackles, opened the confinement door, and released a few other confinement prisoners. He walked to the nearby agricultural squadron. , stole a live duck by the way, came back to pluck the feathers, slaughtered it and cooked it and ate it. After a full meal, he quietly returned to the confinement room. Later, the cadres accidentally found duck feathers, and after hard investigation, they learned about the story of stealing ducks in the middle of the night. In fact, they didn't even have ducks to eat at that time, and they were not afraid to sit in confinement. Anyway, when other prisoners walked through the confinement room during the day, some of them would always have some cigarettes and parcels for them to enjoy.

When the "heavy and fast movement" came, Wu Yatai was a little scared, and he had already been arrested and criticized before he carried the body. Moreover, in my opinion, the rebelliousness of Wu Yatai's past troubles was not ideological or political, but the result of no one cared about since childhood. After the Communist Party intimidated him, the cadres used soft skills again, as if they cared about him, and asked him to be a good man, so he commuted his sentence and gave him new hope. In addition to being moved, he gradually began to believe in the Communist Party. I used to be good friends with him, and he gave him some clothes when he left the prison. It's just that after he started to naively approach the Communist Party, I gradually became estranged from him. People are always fortunate and unfortunate.

If Wu Yatai was lucky, Shen Xueqi's group was not so lucky. The 20-year-old surnamed Shen was sentenced to life imprisonment for robbery. He has no culture, is easy to show off, is naughty and doesn't know death, and is not afraid of death. He has made a name for himself in fights, and even the Meijian division knows that Shen is good at fighting. He hated the "grey men" (that is, the prisoners who cast ashes on cadres) and the Communist Party. Once a cadre told him about him, he grabbed the lower part of the cadre with one hand and almost killed him. bane. He respected political prisoners and liked to associate with them. Because they were against the Communist Party, he would chat with me and play chess in his spare time. The other political prisoners in Mei prison were all small spies who made small reports to the Kuomintang. When the movement came, there were rumors that Shen Xueqi was going to be killed, because apart from fighting and making trouble, he didn't work all year long. Every day he said that he was sick here and there was pain, and the prison couldn't do anything about him. Once again, he got into trouble again and put on shackles. He dragged his shackles, jumped on the fence, climbed the roof, shouted that he was going to commit suicide, and no one was allowed to come up. Anyone who came up would be killed, causing trouble in the prison. chaos. There is a post near the roof. The cadre said that if you don't come down, he will shoot you from the post. He is not afraid at all. It is obvious that he has already given up. As his material, the court asked him to kill him as an example, so he persuaded him to come down with good words, and he did not leave him in trouble. Needless to say, my master, Cai Qian, was extremely reluctant for me to associate with him, but he was really afraid of him, so it was not easy for me to attack. Conflict with him is not easy to bear. There is a person surnamed Shen who competes with others to watch TV in the TV room.

One Sunday, Shen Xueqi and I were playing chess, and someone told him to go down. When I asked him what was going on, he said that the boss (ie, a cadre) had asked him to go to the factory, and he had something to do with him. As soon as he went, he disappeared, and the game was never finished. It turned out that the cadres found four labor reform leaders to greet him, and my master Cai Qian was one of them. If they wanted him to be tied up, how could Shen Xueqi want to be humiliated by others, so he started a fight with them. The four Laogai heads were originally recruited by the cadres to lynch them, so without saying a word, they beat him so badly that his body swelled and he passed out. He was hung up and gave the Laogai head to stab him with his fists. After the lynching and beating, Shen Xueqi, who is famous for fighting, went into shock. Seeing that he was so angry, the cadres carried him into the medical room, and took a stimulant to barely save his life. The beating turned out to be revenge for the arrest by the cadre who was under attack. As for the lynching of cadres in prisons using the head of labor reform, it was common in the past, and it is not surprising. Of course, the anarchist period is another word.

With Shen Xueqi, a Chaozhou native named Yao Songling was sentenced to seven years for robbery. When he was in Shantou Detention Center, he and other inmates once robbed another prisoner of money and beat them with their heads covered. As a result, the person was beaten to death and sentenced to 15 years. Sitting in confinement, he also let go for a while after I arrived. I think he is thoughtful and considerate. One time I played chess with him, and when he lost his spirits, I deliberately lost to him, and he saw it through. At that time, he had already been dealt with in fights and had been in confinement, and he really wanted to change his mind and find a way out. It's just that when the exercise came, he was arrested for no reason and then put in confinement, and he was shot and killed by accompanying Shen Xueqi unjustly.

The other with Shen Xueqi was a Chaozhou native in his twenties with big eyes. The man was jailed for fighting and robbery, serving six or seven years in prison. As soon as I entered the prison, I knew this big-eyed boy who had been in the arena since he was a child. It turned out that he had been imprisoned for fighting at the age of seven and grew up in prison. Mosquito marks all over his body, but he is a funny character. There was a time when the prisoner's doctor came to the playground as usual, and went out to diagnose and get medicine for the sick. This old doctor was joking, like talking about the ancient times in the banyan tree, chatting and laughing with the prisoners, and also telling Big-Eyed Boy not to fight again. Big Eyed Zai replied with a smile, we are a contradiction among the people, but we are a contradiction with the doctor, because the prisoner doctor is the Kuomintang.

Big Eyed Boy and Shen Xueqi and the others were flirting with each other, and they also hated the gray guy very much. After exercising, Big Eyed Boy was arrested and placed in confinement. Later, the sentence was increased to fifteen years, and he was exiled to the Northwest. Before leaving the prison, the cadres took him back to the warehouse to pack up his personal belongings. They happened to meet the "big bad guy" Chen Yuye and scolded him with foul language. This big bad guy said that he was fighting against bad people and bad things and "reporting an inch" to the Communist Party. He killed a few people and was able to reduce his sentence by three years.

The head of Shen Xueqi's group was actually a Chaozhou native named Yao Jinshui. He was imprisoned for rape and served twelve or three years in prison. When I entered Mei Prison, he was about thirty, and his sentence was almost finished. This person surnamed Yao is actually the master of Shen Xueqi's group. He specializes in inciting people behind his back, but he doesn't speak out. He has the ability to work. He has one of the best driving skills in prison. He was cunning by nature and was a well-known liar in prison. He often borrows books from me, and I don't like him and am wary of him, so I don't have much contact with him. After the exercise, he, Shen Xueqi, Yao Songling, Big Eyes, etc., were taken to the confinement together and waited for treatment. At that time, everyone knew that disaster was imminent, and as a result, he had to save his life, but although his sentence was about to expire, he was sentenced to life imprisonment.

When the lives of Shen Xueqi and other prisoners were ended, they shot the assembly as usual, which was similar to the first time, so I won't go into details.

After the cadres dealt with two groups of people according to the movement, although fewer than ten prisoners were shot in Mei prison, many were sentenced to additional sentences. At this time, even the cadres felt a little sad in their hearts and didn't want to let people die like this anymore. Yao Songling's performance before his death is believed to have left a deep shadow on the cadres. When he was in confinement, he scolded Shen Xueqi day and night, saying that the surnamed Shen killed him, and it didn't matter if Shen Xueqi died, he wanted to accompany him to death. And he died like this with no end in sight, because he had already made up his mind to reform himself. The cadre later said that there was a time Yao Songling knelt in front of them, crying and crying, begging them to let him go. He really repented and made the factory director and cadre feel very sad, but the material had already been handed over to the court, and if it fell, he would be shot, and no one could change it. this fate. So sad still sad, wronged still wronged, people still have to die. After this battle, the cadres may reflect and realize that the chaos in the prison is actually a consequence of their own neglect. If the movement wants to shoot people, they have to submit materials and find someone to be sent to death. What the dead person said is not a crime so bad that death is necessary. , many are just naughty vents. Therefore, after Yao Songling's death, the cadres stopped producing materials and arrested and shot them. And after arresting several people and sending them to death, the criminals were indeed afraid. In fact, at that time, the "heavy and fast movement" also caused panic in the society. Adultery is considered rape, stealing is considered robbery. Listening to the old prisoner, the atmosphere of terror seems to have returned to the early days of liberation. Even in Prison Mei, I also found some examples of severe sentences.

For example, there was a fool named Luo Weihuang, who didn't eat much meat on weekdays. One day he went to the market, and on a whim, he stole two kilograms of pork from others. After a meal, he would be charged with robbery and assaulting a police officer, and he would be sentenced to ten years. When he was in prison, the prisoners always liked to joke with him, saying that there was no need to be afraid. Now you can eat pork once a week. After all, the Communist Party takes care of you.

Another underage Yao Feifu from Meixian County, who had just entered middle school, was in the same class of delinquents. When a woman in her thirties was riding a bicycle across the bridge, she was caught on the grass and gang-raped. It is said that the surnamed Yao is not even more serious, and only shoots people's genitals with a water gun. Later, he was arrested by the police, and the one who took the lead was naturally shot. The surnamed Yao was underage and should be sentenced to a juvenile detention center according to Chinese law. He could not be sentenced, so the police locked him in the detention center until he was 18 years old. He was sentenced to life imprisonment. When he was in prison, the jailer was also quite sympathetic to him, and heard that the case could have been overturned, but it was difficult to explain because the main culprit was shot that day, so it was inconvenient to overturn the case and commute the sentence, so he had to let it go. This Yao Feifu is actually a gentleman. I look at it and I don't understand why he was so confused back then.

As mentioned above, in the process of restoring order in the prison, in addition to investing in and increasing sentences to intimidate, another movement to the Great Northwest was launched. . When the movement was first proposed above, it was not clear what it meant, so I have to speculate on it below. Some "grey men" labor reformers who only want to please cadres, but they don't know that the transfer to the Northwest is punitive, so they ramble about on the wall newspaper in prison, saying that everyone should actively respond to the call, set an example for themselves, and call on everyone to sign up such as.

When it comes to the meeting, as the saying goes, everyone knows how to die, and even if they don't want to go, they don't dare to shout slogans against it. As usual, I didn't speak up, like I was watching a play. I was the only one in Quanmei prison who had been a cadre like me for a long time. Therefore, in the early stage of the Great Northwest Movement, although automatic registration was possible, in fact, the prison authorities selected inmates who were difficult to manage and sent them. The first group sent more than 100 people, more than 10 people in each squadron. This group of people resisted quite a lot. When they jumped on the train, they were shot. Later, the Great Northwest Movement took a dramatic turn. It turned out that some prisoners felt that instead of being in prison in Meijian every day, with no future, it was better to go to the Northwest to change the environment, or to break out into a new world. In addition, some people fan the flames, saying that in fact, the Northwest is not cold, and there is mutton to warm the belly every day, isn't it fun. Therefore, those who signed up to go to the Great Northwest were so enthusiastic that the cadres wanted to come forward to stop them. One of the prisoners even tried to get to the Northwest China, instead of being absent from work in the past, he didn't stop until the trip was completed. In fact, it's not cold in this big northwest. Many people really can't stand it after going there, and they complain a lot. When Yao Jinshui went there, he really turned his life around. He became the head of the Laogai, and he was so impressive that he was published in the Laogai newspaper. A young rapist wrote to a prisoner in Mei Prison after going to the Northwest, saying that life in the Northwest is very hard, and there is no mutton. The prisoners of our squadron went to the Great Northwest. There must have been an accident, so soon the squadron’s correctional officer will go to the Great Northwest in person (the responsible cadre of each squadron is the squadron instructor, and there are also the production captain (the factory manager) and the lead team. two or three officers). When the correctional officer came back, he told us in person at the meeting that when he went up this time, if he saw that the prisoners were disobedient, they would strip off their clothes and freeze in the snow naked. Zooming in on the Northwest is no joke. In fact, because the Great Northwest hosts some of the toughest prisoners in the country, the methods of discipline are brutal. At this point, the prisoner listened, and the illusion of the Great Northwest was completely shattered. After a long time, I haven't heard about the Great Northwest. Until 1988 or 1989, I read the Laogai newspaper and learned that there was an earthquake in Xinjiang, the walls of the houses of cadres and their families collapsed, and dozens of cadres and their families died. sentenced.

As mentioned above, as soon as I entered the prison, I was sent to my master Cai Qian, and this labor reformer also took in another apprentice Wang Yuzhong. I was in prison for ten years, and the only person who ever fought with someone was this Wang Yuzhong. He is a very young Hakka family from a hooligan who had a relationship with an underage cousin and was sentenced to seven years in prison. His father was a country cadre. When he was in prison, he would fight and make trouble at every turn. In front of the crowd, I once shouted that we were deceived by the Communist Party, which made everyone look at us. In terms of work, at first, I was cheating on sickness every day, and then it became normal. When the group meeting was first held, Wang Yuzhong, like me, did not plead guilty. Because he acted hard, I initially had a good impression of him and had some contacts. But he was too funny. I started to cultivate my mind, study hard, and do a lot with the Communist Party in the future, so I didn't have anything to entertain him. If things go on like this, there will be friction, the relationship will deteriorate, and Cai Qian will provoke each other, making each other more troubled.

In other words, one day I knew that he was talking ill of me behind my back, so I was so angry that I couldn't bear it any longer. Wang Yuzhong was also furious. He jumped up and hit me. I didn't take off my glasses, and I was afraid of sitting in confinement, so I got the upper hand. When he saw me bleeding, he was also a little timid, but I seemed to let it go. I thought that I was blind in one eye, and I had another eye, so I boldly beat him, but instead gained the upper hand and chased him to the corner, and soon we It stopped other prisoners. I had a few stitches in the corner of my eye, but luckily it didn't hurt my eye. Due to my special status and another injury, Wang Yuzhong was in trouble. He was named and criticized at the general supervisory meeting about once a month, and he had to pay for my glasses. It's strange to say that after the fight, everyone's anger disappeared. Although they no longer communicated, they also broke off their hatred. Later, he behaved well and his sentence was reduced by one year.

The Communist Party keeps saying that it wants to eliminate classes, but as Yuluoke said, it is the Communist Party that attaches the most importance to class origin. In society, of course, people from good backgrounds often have an advantage, but even if they commit the same crime, they also take advantage of them. "Dwarf" is an example. The dwarf girl is a dirty number, because she was born really short and looks like a mother-in-law. He was in his forties, and his mother died of starvation during the Great Leap Forward. It's just that his grandfather thought that he was short in stature, and Wu Dalang's rebirth often incited his daughter to remarry. This dwarf girl is different from Wu Dalang, she can't be bullied, and she is a bit timid, so she picks up the knife, axe and gunpowder to seek revenge from the foreign family. As a result, his grandfather was chopped to death with an axe, his mother's life was not saved, and his wife broke his hand with a flying knife. He set fire to the house, climbed onto the roof himself, stabbed himself in the throat, bleed a lot, but was rescued. Murder and arson should be the death penalty in mainland China. But he was born in the red five categories, so he had to save the dog's life and was only sentenced to life imprisonment. Later, he also reduced his sentence twice and only sat for thirteen years.

An example of the PLA's privileges can be seen from Liu Shaozhou's experience. The young Liu Shaozhou was a soldier in the countryside. One day, he collided with people on the street. When a conflict broke out, he pulled out his saber and stabbed it into people's hearts. Later, when there was a commotion outside, the troops were forced to deal with him. As soon as Liu Shaozhou heard the news, he went up the mountain with a gun overnight, sent troops to hunt him down, surrounded him in circles, and asked him to surrender. In fact, these sons and daughters were not trained to kill. He was so wicked that he left a bullet in his pocket for his own enjoyment, so he wanted to shoot at random and die together. Little did he know that the gun was tampered with, lacking parts and unable to fire, so he was arrested. If it were ordinary people, it would be strange if they did not shoot to kill and resist arrest. But he was a member of the People's Liberation Army, so he was let go and sentenced to 12 years lightly. He hated that the local people didn't like it very much. Liu Shaozhou was given a light sentence of more than 12 years, but he remained in the military detention center to serve his sentence. In the military detention center, he is very free, even going in and out, but his job has changed from being a soldier to raising pigs and growing vegetables. And generally speaking, after sitting for three or more years, people outside did not pay attention. He was reinstated after a commutation of sentence and returned to his original position. Soldiers guarding each other, it is evident. But this Liu Shaozhou is destined to have no such luck. One day, one of the sows he raised was in spring, and the battalion commander told him to immediately hug and find the boar to mate, because when the time passed, the sow didn’t want to mate and could not give birth to piglets. Liu Shaozhou thought that this would be very humiliating. , asked me to hold the head of the boar to mate, so I openly disobeyed, argued with the battalion commander, and was arrested and punished. Liu Shaozhou couldn't get angry and wanted to leave the army, so he asked to be transferred to a formal prison. Only then did I come to Mei Prison, and when I entered the prison, I knew that compared to Mei Prison, life in the military detention center was a paradise. As the so-called bright future, it was ruined by a sow in heat. It is known that this mating must be served carefully.

At first, I had some contacts with him, but later I realized that he was still with the Communist Party, spying on me secretly, and the relationship naturally became estranged. The class of origin is reflected in the prisoner's experience, even when he is a gray man or a labor reformer. The biggest advantage of being a scumbag and being a reform-through-labor leader is that you can pretend to be a tiger in prison, you can expect to have a reduced sentence in prison, and you can work lightly. It turned out that the prison guards always picked some people who were related to the Party.

In the future, when economic crimes flourished and high-ranking officials were sent to prison, they would not sit in ordinary barns, but live alone in clean barns. Some prisoners served as servants, or were transferred to the infirmary, often staying for a year. For half a year, as usual, it was an excuse for medical parole, and since then he has been freed from the law and returned to freedom.

As for the question of "fairness", in the view of the Communist Party, it belongs to the category of bourgeois human rights, and it is just a lie. If the prison is a reflection of the society, when it comes to the consciousness of the prisoners, I think it is equivalent to the state in the early period of liberation before the Cultural Revolution. The cadre's countermeasure is to carry out brainwashing political education. There are always three or four nights a week for political studies. The other one is the life meeting. These are group meetings, which are held in the warehouse together with 12 people. Because a squadron has more than ten warehouses and only six or seven cadres, group meetings are usually not attended by cadres. Political study is mainly to identify with the policies and movements of the time. For example, in 1983, the main thing was to learn to "take the heavy and follow the fast movement". It is necessary to tell the Communist Party that it is better to be shot and sentenced to be better.

The group will first read the reading by the head of the labor camp, and then express their feelings one by one. The average prisoner can't help but brag about it, but try to pass the test. In my group, at first I kept silent with Wang Yuzhong and Liu Shaozhou. Later, Liu Shaozhou surrendered. After that, Wang Yuzhong couldn't stand it anymore. Every year at the end of the year, some prisoners have to be nervous for a month, because they have to do a year-end summary. In this year-end summary, in fact, in state-run or collectively-owned production units, they must be carried out everywhere, but they are carried out very seriously in prisons.

In the beginning, meetings of various sizes were held, intimidated by the cadres' orders, and the prisoners were asked to write a draft of their own. The content was to discuss their attitudes towards confessing their crimes and obeying the law, their attitude towards reform through labor, their attitude towards getting along with other prisoners, how to formulate a reform plan for the next year, and other opinions. After the drafts are written, they are discussed one by one in the group meeting, and after they are approved, they are submitted to the cadres for deliberation. After they are approved, they will be returned to the prisoners. Only then will the official form be distributed, fill in the name of the crime, and copy the year-end summary.

There are also those who can't pass the group. For example, the old man Lin who was exiled to the Northwest mentioned above is an example. When the first year-end summary was made, I went to the extreme and just didn't write it. The cadres called me into the duty room in three or two days, and they asked me to obey both hard and soft. I'm not afraid to use you as an example to show the public. After a month of work, the prison authorities insisted that I write, otherwise I would not be able to pass the test. I wrote in a fit of anger, to the effect that I am not guilty. In the "Severe Heavy and Fast Movement", judges are guilty when they are not guilty, and they are guilty when they are not guilty. The cadres were furious and immediately dealt with Section Chief Liu, because I was directly under Section Chief Liu, and Section Chief Liu scolded me when he saw my summary. When a cadre saw me talking back, he wanted to beat me, so he got out of the way. Or Section Chief Liu winked to stop him, he didn't want to piss me off. Other prisoners, in addition to being placed in confinement, are beaten severely by the cadres if they are not pleasing to the eye and disobedient.

This confinement is a small room. It is dark and dark inside. There are swarms of mosquitoes. Solitary confinement in a small toilet.

Later, I heard from Wang Xizhe that the confinement room in Huaiji Prison was even worse, and he had been sitting in the prison before committing crimes. There is water standing there for a long time, and there are no wooden boards. It is miserable to sleep in the water in winter. Moreover, if you enter confinement, you will be held in solitary confinement for several months. The guards are even more brutal. people.

In Mei Prison, the confinement room has another purpose, that is, the mentally ill people are sentenced to prison. When I was in solitary confinement, two neurotic men were imprisoned next to me. One was reciting something day and night to plead guilty and obey the law. As for why people with mental disorders are not dealt with separately, but are sentenced to normal prisons?

According to the prisoners, it turns out that many judges in mainland China are confused and careless, people who are insane are pretending to be stupid, and the sentences are correct, which is very inhumane. In fact, the prison does not want to support these neurotic men for nothing. It is just that China implements a household registration system. When sentencing, it is pointed out that their household registration will be transferred to the prison. They had no choice but to abandon them in the confinement room and eat two gruels a day, and let them fend for themselves. Therefore, ordinary fools spend a long time in the confinement room, but the longest record is held by a prisoner who is unrepentant and openly opposed to the Communist Party. The record is eleven years.

Another point worth mentioning in the confinement life is that my feet were damaged by the iron shackles, and I found that the scars were not formed. If you are in confinement, you have to come out, and it is stipulated that you must pass the review, that is, admit your mistake. Section Chief Liu has told me from the beginning that if he writes an inspection, he will be released. I certainly didn't bow my head at first. Later, I stuck a grain of rice on the wall every day to count the days, and after sticking more than 20 grains of rice, people were vain and chaotic, and I couldn’t count them anymore. It was also released.

A day or two before I was released from confinement, it happened that my parents came to Mei Prison to visit me for the first time. I went to see them from confinement, and I was extremely depressed. Naturally, I told them that being in confinement was miserable. Who knows that the cadres have done their work, my mother also said, yes, yes, and told me to listen to the cadres, which made me smoke, and when I saw that they only brought me two books, I was even more angry.

Originally, when I transferred to Meijian, they should have told my parents, but this procedure was not done. I wrote to them, and at first the cadres asked me to confess my guilt in exchange, so it took several months for my parents to come to visit me after I arrived in Meijian for half a year.

The new year of 1985 is approaching, and the "movement from heavy to fast" has become a thing of the past, but although the society is not like before, the prison is still like China in the past, one movement after another. The 1985 movement was called "Reporting and Whistleblowing". How to "report and expose"? It is self-examination, to recognize the facts and root causes of their crimes, and to report those who have not been exposed, otherwise they will be found out in the future and punished with additional punishment. At the same time, it is necessary to expose those who know that others have committed punishment, and if they do not report the knowledge, they will be charged with additional punishment in the future. Let's say that this Meizhou Prison has killed many inmates since the "Responsive and Fast Movement" began, and the atmosphere of anarchism in the past has been swept away.

After this "report and expose" campaign, people are naturally panicked, and it is not a problem. In the "Whistleblowing" period, there is another episode. Let’s talk about a Hakka teacher in his 60s. Everyone calls him a teacher. He was originally a member of the Communist Party’s periphery and participated in the activities of the propaganda team. As soon as the Cultural Revolution came, the whole family was killed, and the corpse had to be cut into pieces. Since then, he has been inseparable from the Communist Party and has a deep hatred.

He was imprisoned for counter-revolutionary crimes and sentenced to ten years, seven or eight years earlier than me. In prison, he relied on the old and sold the old, often saying that the Communist Party has no humanity. This gentleman also has a joke about his strong sexual desire, masturbating in a mosquito net during the day, and reporting it to the cadre. , Because of his good health, he needs a lot of things, and as a result, even his old wife is ruined, which makes everyone laugh and treat it as entertainment.

During the "reporting and exposing" period, the movement had nothing to do with the teacher, but he voluntarily committed himself to report a crime, saying that during the Cultural Revolution, his neighbor's whole family was arrested and beheaded, and the cadre said to one of the girls, if you sacrifice yourself, I will let you go. This neighbor girl didn't know that people's hearts were sinister, but she believed it and lost her life.

When the cadres saw this report, of course they did not deal with it. But this teacher is also a tough guy who haunts the cadres all day long and asks them to deal with it seriously; the Communist Party's hypocrisy, the cadres' scrupulousness, and the mutual protection of each other's faults are all exposed in this example.

When I showed the verdict to my teacher, I saw the section above accusing me that the CCP was depraved and corrupt. The teacher applauded, saying, well said, well said, the CCP is indeed depraved and corrupt. I think of the 1989 pro-democracy movement, when the Communist Party was depraved and corrupted, and it has long since become a national consensus.

In 1984, another incident that was unprecedented in mainland prison history was that prisoners of reform through labor took part in the voting of deputies to the district people's congress. At that time, two people were nominated, both of whom were the deputy head of the Mei prison. It turns out that the Communist Party system often has vices and unrighteousness. I think it is convenient for "unloading" in the future. Before the vote, the prison authorities naturally did some propaganda and preparations, and many prisoners still didn’t know what to do, but everyone had to vote for what they called it. As far as I can see, many prisoners of labor reform attach great importance to elections, and some knowledgeable people say that the right to vote is rare, and the exercise of the right to vote should be cherished.

In terms of atmosphere, I also think that a little bit of democracy is a good thing the Communist Party has done. As for me, with the dozen or so prisoners in the squadron, I have been deprived of the right to vote. I still have the right to vote, which is different from ordinary prisoners, so I can only serve as a bystander. That year, there had been no arrests and shootings of inmates in prison, because the movement had already passed. It's just that a piece of paper was posted on the playground with a photo of the head of a drug criminal who was shot as a warning. When I saw it, I recognized one of the old men. He was imprisoned diagonally across from me at the Tanjiang Detention Center. He played chess with the inmates in his room all day long. Let's do it.

And one day, I saw a big pool of blood on the ground in the toilet, which was very strange. Later, others told that this was because someone beat the police so badly during the hearing that internal bleeding was expelled from the urethra. Speaking of which, there was a man named "Hei Zai" in the warehouse at that time, and he was beaten repeatedly during the joint communication. Later, he became incontinent when urinating. It turned out that during the hearing, what I was subjected to was only mental abuse. As soon as the domestic criminals were caught by the police, all civility was put to the back of their minds.

When I was in the detention center, I saw several guards beat people together. There were also cadres in the prison who beat people. It was more severe at the time of "heavy and quick", and then gradually decreased. In terms of work, I performed quite well that year and was praised by the production cadres. This captain often asks me to plead guilty. How many heads do you Liu Shanqing have? How can you be more reactionary than Chiang Kai-shek? However, at work, he praised me, thinking that I could be reformed through labor, but only owed thought reform. If I plead guilty and serve the law, my sentence should be reduced. I also know that this is a fact, but I just ignore it. The biggest headache for cadres is my attitude towards confessing and obeying the law. Other labor reform prisoners know how to read the wind, so they will fuck me when they get the chance. On duty, that is, to be responsible for sanitation work such as delivering vegetables and cleaning.

When I mentioned the "spotting and whistleblowing" campaign above, one thing was almost omitted, that is, the cadres asked the prisoners to "go to the movies" every day, that is, to reflect on and revisit the process of committing the crime once a day. This is mental abuse, of course I have no problem. The more I think about myself, the more heroic I become. Those who are robbed or are temporarily confused, the more they think about it, the more heartbroken they become, and they will be tortured every day for no reason.

Speaking of "movies", there are really movies to watch in prison, and most of them are martial arts movies, as I mentioned above. One night, he made a western film called "The Baker's Son", saying that the protagonist was framed by others, and the judge knew that he had also sentenced him to death in order to protect the powerful. , the hour has come, and the baker's son has gone to Huangquan Road. This son stands out in the movie, he is not guilty, it is the judge who is guilty. After seeing the criminals, he was very impressed. Many of them were lightly sentenced for petty crimes, or even imprisoned for innocence, but the most surprising thing was the "big gray man" Chen Yuye who had his sentence commuted for selling Yao Jinshui. He was imprisoned for 20 years because he had sexual relations with dozens of women and was accused of rape He also said loudly in the movie that he was not guilty. In fact, the situation at that time can be said to be turbulent, which shows the hearts of the prisoners. This is the result of the confusion of mainland judiciary. In other words, this guy fought a lot for the cadres, and he had to take it for himself. Later, his right hand shrank, and he was annoyed by many cadres, and he picked it up cheaply.

This year, I also met two "counter-revolutionaries" in the maintenance squadron. A petty spy for Taiwan, nicknamed "Fat Pig", has been in prison twice and has no money after being released from prison. He simply wrote a letter to the liaison office of the Taiwan Kuomintang spy agency to ask for money, which was intercepted by the CCP authorities and sentenced again.

Speaking of the Kuomintang, it was disgraced in mainland China back then, but now it has quite a prestige in prison. For example, a young Hakka liar told me that he had cheated on the Communist Party, and that he wanted to be a Kuomintang spy after being released from prison. In the eyes of many reform-through-labour prisoners, it turned out that the Kuomintang spies were great heroes, and the Kuomintang was the great saviour. Because they fought against the Communist Party, many reform-through-labour prisoners wanted to join the Kuomintang.

Another counter-revolutionary nicknamed "Gao Lao" is quite talented. It turned out that ten or eight years ago, he teamed up with six or seven people to prepare ammunition. He planned to kill the cadres in the countryside to start an uprising. captured and sentenced to life imprisonment. I told him that there is no way out for you to revolt like this, and it is not uncommon for accomplices to go back on thinking of this.

There was also a military doctor in prison who had actually taken Kuomintang soldiers. During the war, he took soldiers to Burma to fight the Japanese. He stayed at the time of liberation. Later, he wanted to go to Taiwan. He contacted his family in Taiwan and was recruited. He was labeled as a spy and served two prison terms. The first time was in Northwest China. According to him, there are completely senior Kuomintang officers, with his lowest rank. Although he often criticized the Communist Party, he still said that the cadres at that time were more enlightened.

This Kuomintang military doctor had a relationship with Liu Binyan. He said that more than ten years ago, Liu Binyan was already a genius. When he became an editor, he had a lot of speech and went to Beijing to work. Liu went to the Ministry of Culture to report to the minister. At that time, officials in the mainland were still very common people, and the access control was not strict. He went straight to the minister. The latter was in a meeting and asked him to come back after dinner. Yuan. Liu went to a restaurant to eat, and encountered a military doctor, and said about it.

When I was talking to the military doctor, he said on two occasions that he didn't want sympathy.

After returning to Hong Kong, a friend asked me if there were homosexuals in the prison above, and I said there were. For example, there is a guy nicknamed "Radish Head" who loves homosexuality, but also cares about his heart. If he is not in love, he cannot be touched. He tried to play poker on the other side of the bed in broad daylight, and he played with others on the bed, and even got a cadre to deal with it. The teacher with strong sexual desire is also like this. This is one of the factors that keeps me away from him.

Another year has passed in the blink of an eye, and the year-end summary is here. This time, I have learned to be good, and I have not tried hard to avoid confinement and suffering again. I have also written a summary book. The cadres also knew that I was dead at this point, and hard pressure was not the way to go, so I did a good job and passed the test safely.

New Year's Eve in prison is a big event. Meals in prison on weekdays are three meals a day. Only dried radish or pickles for breakfast, cabbage for lunch and dinner, not a drop of oil, and only once a week to add vegetables and 2 taels of pork. Only the fat ones are left. During the Spring Festival, there is additional payment for food. Meals are served with meat, and the coal stove is open. The prisoners can make their own side dishes to eat, make Gongfu tea and take a three-day vacation.

In addition to eating, I watched movies and TV, played chess and cards, and held evening parties. I invited a singing and dancing troupe for 500 yuan. There were girls in the troupe. . During the Spring Festival, there is also a preferential prison system, which is to give prisoners ten days and eight days of vacation to go home to visit relatives. On the surface, this system is very civilized, but in fact, if you don’t do all the bad things for the cadres, you will be released on parole.

This year, it was obtained by Chen Yuye. He went out to prostitute, gamble, drink, and bragging. He also worked as a hawker for a few days, earning a few hundred yuan.

In 1985, the "reporting and exposing" movement became a thing of the past. The new movement was the "Learn the Socialist Legal System" movement. The main content was that the CCP authorities believed that all criminals were ignorant of the law and illiterate, so it was necessary to raise legal awareness. . At that time, the Bureau of Labor Reform compiled and printed a pamphlet, which was distributed to each person, and they all studied at the conference, chapter by chapter, and an exam was required at the end of the year. Everyone has to write some entertainment words, such as confessing and obeying the law.

The funniest thing is that there is a new Chaozhou youth who is a rapist. When he writes, he explains the details of the crime in detail, which is posted on the newspaper board in the warehouse, and it is passed as a joke.

During the exercise, I found that some prisoners were really involved in the reform through labor system. They liked to practice exam questions and used sports as a daily topic. In the year-end examination, almost all of them failed due to the seriousness of the cadres and the low level of the prisoners. I am pleading guilty and obeying the law, and I am not answering and failing to recognize the root cause of the crime. Only later did I find out that most of the cadres in other prisons released water “out of cats”, and their scores were very high. Compared with the labor reform bureau, the cadres in Mei prison had difficulties. After this lesson, the cadres of Meijian also learned to behave well in the future, and they fell into the arms of the lying country.

At this time, a new system was introduced in the prison, that is, drills. After work, they had to practice on the playground. I regarded it as depriving them of time for rest, play or study.

The new thing that happened that year was receiving foreign guests. The foreign guests were mainly overseas Chinese. At that time, the policy of opening up, foreign relations became important, and making money from business became a new goal. The cadres in Meijian were also eager to make use of the only resource in the prison, that is, the labor force of the prisoners. Hosted several foreign guests. Meeting foreign guests is good for the prisoner, at least in a civilized manner. There is an overseas Chinese who has been imprisoned in Malaysia, and he also said that he needs to conduct more visits, which is very interesting.

I heard that the French Peugeot car factory originally wanted to cooperate with Mei Jian to produce some accessories, and sent two foreigners to visit, which made the cadres very nervous, because the cadres regarded us as dogs, and we were tired and worked hard for three days. Who knows? , so angry that we called to fight and kill.

Another group of visitors are college students, mainly students from the Law and Politics Department of Shantou University. The first time dozens of students came, I was in the workshop and I took the initiative to talk to them, and I automatically introduced Liu Shanqing from Hong Kong. They were curious and asked why I was here, and I answered that I was engaged in a pro-democracy movement. How long is the sentence, and the answer is ten years. If you don't regret the question, you will not regret the answer. As soon as this remark came out, the students were in an uproar, and they did not regret it under the Laogai system. They also knew that it was a "big event" for them to come to practice political work. A female student said sympathetically, "Your mother must be very sad." In fact, according to my observations at the time, the female students were more sympathetic, while the male students had a bad attitude.

When the students from Shantou visited the next year, it was thought that Section Chief Liu had absorbed the experience of his early years, and he never let me receive them again, but kept me in the squadron. I saw them passing by at the gate of the squadron. Who knew that one of the teachers came to me and asked me if I was a student of the University of Hong Kong. I was astonished and asked him how he knew. He sympathetically said that your principal is also connected to our university. .

There was another accident that year. It was a Kuomintang spy who was sentenced to seven years. He studied electrician in prison and had the privilege of listening to the radio and watching TV. After he asked clearly that I was Liu Shanqing, he said that Taiwan Radio Station reported that Hong Kong young writer Liu Shanqing was severely sentenced by the mainland. I was laughing in my heart, I was almost illiterate, how could I be considered a writer.

Another unusual thing that happened this year was my parents visiting with my sister and her two sons and taking a photo of me with a Polaroid. I hope she will bring these prison photos back to Hong Kong for Ah Qing or other friends, and use them for publicity. Who knows, the cadres confiscated them when they left, leaving only one. After they took them out of Hong Kong, they did not publish them according to my intention. To support the momentum of the Camp Liu movement.

I did an unusual thing and secretly gave the verdict to my mother. During a visit with my parents, I had brought the verdict with me. Unexpectedly, there were so many cadres that day. It turned out that they all came to smoke my father's free cigarettes. At that time, I was sitting next to my mother, opposite my father. I wanted to give them the verdict, but I was afraid of being discovered. I had a plan, looked at my father, and tucked the verdict into my mother's sweater. Who knew that her pocket was small, the verdict was exposed, and her mother was even more at a loss. I simply approached my father to distract my attention, and my mother understood, took off my sweater and rolled up the verdict. During the second interview, my mother scolded her, saying that she should not mess around in the future. The next time we meet again, it has been a year since I asked my father to spread out and tell my friends in Hong Kong to make a big deal. The bigger the better. I asked my father if he had given it to Ah Qing. He said that she was only allowed to copy. I was very angry, so every time I met, I tried to convince my father to let it go and make it bigger. About this time, my father relayed the story, saying that Liang Yaozhong and Liu Zilian persuaded Li Zhuming to ask Lu Ping about me. Lu Ping said that this young boy from Hong Kong was very tough, and he could not tell the above. Later, I finally persuaded my father to issue the judgment, so it was issued in Hong Kong. As soon as this happened, I naturally suffered in it and sat in confinement again. But these are more than two years later, and I was already mentally prepared.

A country of 1.1 billion people dealt with me alone, and even the verdict was not passed on. Who is right, who is right and who is wrong, who is guilty, and who is justified, without investigation and research to know where the truth lies.

At this time, the master Cai Qian was about to leave, and the cadres from the Infrastructure Squadron transferred three "grey men", Lu Xie, Tang Zhaoxing, and Chen Yuye, to join Cai Qian and monitor my work after he left. The first two people only followed me for two or three months before they were transferred, while Chen Yuye followed me for a year and took over as my master, even though my skills were better than his. After a year, I finally became a master. After spending more than two years in prison like this, although he did not leave the prison, he also gained a lot of understanding of the country of lies.

Chapter 7 1986-88: Prison Reform

 "Dear Parents:

I received eight cans of food on May 8th. Please don't send me food anymore. But I would like to get a box of lemon fruit salt (bottle or package is fine, whichever is cheaper).

I have listened to you now. It is to plead guilty and serve the law, and strive to go home to see Ah Qing as soon as possible. Please give my regards to Ah Qing. I really have nothing to say, but I will write back more in the future to report on the progress of my transformation.


mountain green

May 8, 1986"


At one point, the episode where I pleaded guilty and served the law was the most disappointing episode of my ten-year prison life. In fact, apart from the whole system forcing me to confess guilt and constantly reminding me to support my parents, the prison also did a lot of work to my parents. Later, every time my parents came, they always asked me to confess my guilt. He even gave me a wink once, saying that he would fight for a commutation of his sentence, and then he would do the rest when he came out. I've stayed inside for a long time, but I don't know if there's really a solidarity outside, and everyone around me recognizes it, but I don't. After a long time, I always feel a little awkward. In short, my heart softened, and I started thinking wildly again, so I said to my parents, "Okay, okay, I'll let it go." After more than a month like this, he wrote more than 200 words indiscriminately, saying that he pleaded guilty and hoped for reform and commutation, and asked the instructor if there was any amnesty. The cadres didn't ask me to provide any further information. To be honest, I don't have anything to provide. The movement on the Hong Kong side is an open movement, and the mainland side is actually quite open. In fact, it is also a battle of wills. I guess that's why they didn't get any information from me.

The prison authorities were very happy to know that I had changed my attitude. Because in Meizhou Prison, very few people have pleaded not guilty all the time. Deputy Political Commissar Luo also praised me at the prison meeting, saying that Liu Shanqing from the Fourth Squadron also pleaded guilty. When he bragged on it, I was dozing off sweetly, so I know that other prisoners will tell me later. After confessing my guilt, my basic attitude remained the same. It's just that the prison authorities have changed their attitude towards me, they have become more relaxed, and they will not punish me for wearing iron chains on duty as often as in the past, so this year I had a particularly lively and shabby life.

As an example, let’s take the year-end exam for studying sports. The 1986 campaign was to study socialist moral education. As usual, everyone had a full year of study and then took the exam. After the lessons of the previous year, the cadres were much more relaxed this time, and many prisoners used the excuse of urinating to go to the toilet to get out of the cat. I was the most daring, and went back to the warehouse to find the book and copied it. The cadre told me not to be so "wolf", but it really allowed me to mess up. All the other prisoners were shocked when they heard it.

What's more awkward is the episode where I compete with people.

At that time, the workshop where I worked was quite independent, and it was easy to play with few people. When I have nothing to do, I practice somersaults, lie on my back after practice, shoot down like a zombie, and practice carp turning over. Although he can't do somersaults yet, he has done well in front, back and cartwheels, and he is one of the best in prison. Poor and boring, I remembered what I heard about golden bells and iron cloth shirts before, no one gave me advice, I also came to try my luck and try my horses. When I got lucky, I beat my abdomen. At that time, I turned somersaults for a few days, and I have practiced quite solidly. The abdominal muscles of my body, I started to use it very quickly, and I felt no pain when I hit it. After a few days, I became more courageous and even asked other labor prisoners to try the beating, and they passed the test again, thinking that there was no problem. If you practice like this, you will be more courageous, and you will be reassured that you will be pumped hard, but you will not be able to get in. For a while, among the prisoners of labor reform, belly beatings have made a name for themselves. Others who want to learn from me will feel pain or timidity.

It is said that there was a car repair prisoner who was burly and famous for fighting. He couldn't stand belly belly beatings with me, so he was naturally a little unhappy in his heart. And these scumbags play, just like us Hong Kong people listening to stereos, the more they listen, the more upscale they are. I just said no at first, he was famous for fighting and he was tall. But he asked me a lot, so I agreed. The method was to sit on the stool and grab each other, not to fight each other. Although he is like a buffalo, stronger than me, and has actual combat experience, but I have an advantage, that is, I am not afraid and cruel enough. The big guy was timid in his heart, turned over and fled, and was defeated.

The big guy lost, as the so-called face is at stake. In the past, it was not a loss of fame, so he asked for an upgrade and a free competition. At first, I still didn’t agree. Seeing that he begged a lot, I complied with his wishes. It was stipulated that he would not fight with his face or his feet. After seven or eight fights, I still won more and lost less. The more he became famous, the more it spread to other squadrons, and some people even came to challenge. I said it's just for fun, not a hero. In the second year, I had pleaded not guilty, and the cadres began to concoct me and fight the big guy for the last time. This time, I was timid and messed up. I beat him upside down. It was dark, and the worst was when he was afraid, he turned around and fled, but he didn't know that the vest without eyes gave him a solid punch, and the pain caused my fifth ancestor to be born and the sixth ancestor to ascend to heaven.

At that time, I didn’t know when I learned it, and I was beaten. Don’t rub the medicinal wine. You should sit on your knees like the Japanese to breathe. Follow me, don't dare to make trouble, so the episode of the contest ended.

Fighting in the ring is martial arts, and in terms of literature, I actually participated in singing at the cultural evening. In fact, I don't have much singing ability, but I'm better than being loud enough and not afraid of the stage. I sang "The Kindness of the Earth" at the party, and it got the most applause. All the prisoners said that I sang the best. In fact, before this, in the name of the rehearsal party, it was fun to finish work early to prepare. I also read a lot of books, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, Turgenev, Chekov, Gorky, Balzac, Hugo, Zola, Dumas, Dumas, Dickens, Yasunari Kawabata , Iguchi Yasushi, Hemingway, Jack London and other classics, I have seen most of them, and I like the critical realism works of the 19th century the most. However, the works with strong logic, such as the classics of Marx and Lenin, I still could not read them, nor did I recover them. Another change in reading at that time was changing from literary masterpieces to reading newspapers and periodicals. I subscribed to more than ten domestic newspapers and periodicals and read them day and night, so after I was released from prison, old friends who knew me said that I had gained a lot of common sense. The power of newspapers.

At this time, even Chen Yuye left, and I became a master and accepted my apprentice Li Guoyong. He is a Yangcheng boy in his twenties. When he was resisting the party's robbery of Hong Kong tourists, he instigated his party to stab the victim and was initially sentenced to death. According to him, the lawyer defending him had a heated argument with the court, and was thrown out of court several times. He finally appealed and was sentenced to life imprisonment. I learned from his defense story that after a few years, lawyers were no longer all official vassals and began to have independent defenses. In fact, this is a basic human right, and it should be there in the first place. There were no mistakes in the past, but today there are mistakes to be corrected. We cannot simply think that the Communist Party has promoted some kind of legal progress, but only to correct mistakes that should not have existed.

The apprentice Li Guoyong had a close relationship with a few vernacular boys from another squadron. It turned out that these people conspired to escape from prison, secretly made daggers and ropes, and then lit people with ashes. . Li Guoyong narrowly escaped death. He was a lifelong criminal. If there was a slight error, he would be shot.

This year there was also an incident where the head of the Laogai blatantly beat the youngsters. In the past, before I was imprisoned, under normal circumstances, that is, during the period of anarchism, it happened from time to time that the head of the labor camp openly destroyed and beat the labor camp. Killing people during the Cultural Revolution was a common occurrence. After entering Meijian, such a thing has rarely happened.

It is said that there is a man named A Bing, from a poor and illiterate family, neurotic and mentally handicapped. After entering the prison, because of being a foolish person, it is not a problem to be bullied and trampled by others. One day, in the cultural room, because of a conflict with people over the problem of TV switching, he actually beat some heads of labor camps with ropes. When I finished work, I took him in in public and gave him medicine and alcohol to heal his wounds. When the other prisoners saw that everyone had the same fate, they were already unhappy. Now that they saw me in their early stages, they came to support me. Of course, there were also those who supported the reform leaders, but they were only a few. Things got so big that the next day I went to Section Chief Liu and the prosecutor stationed in the prison to complain, but the instructor who had always defended and shielded the reformer did not dare to make a rash statement. The prosecutor also said something fair, saying that the law stipulates that prisoners cannot be tied up. Later, Section Chief Liu did a good job and the matter was evened out. I believe that after this battle, the head of Laogai wanted to beat the prisoners, and he had more scruples.

The case of the judge's indiscriminate sentence happened again to a vernacular boy, Liu Weiwen. He was sentenced to seven years for robbery and refused to appeal. It was during the "heavy and fast" movement. The judge ignored the criminal law, but tried to catch up with the movement. Sentenced to fifteen years, Liu Weiwen was so angry that he had no way to sue.

However, the biggest change for Meizhou Prison in 1986 was the start of the contract system. Moreover, not only Meizhou Prison is changing, but prisons across the country are also changing. I think this is the biggest structural change in Chinese prisons since 1949. The result of this change is the future prison, which is almost nothing like the previous prison. . The distribution of power in prisons, the purpose of disciplinary prisoners, and the lives of prisoners have all undergone fundamental changes. The best way to sum up this change is that since then, the prison has put aside political and ideological reforms, and, like other social strata, has tried its best to give money to money. Look. I don’t think there is a society in history whose fiery golden dream can penetrate into a prison so pervasively that it has fundamentally changed the mental outlook of the prison.

The contract system is to use prisons as a production unit to bid for contracts in the newly emerging market, with the purpose of producing profits. The purpose of prisons is to punish and reform prisoners, and has nothing to do with making profits. Now the introduction of this contracting system is aimed at making profits, and there will inevitably be conflicts between them. Prisons used to be funded, of course, by the state. However, since the mid-1980s, these funds began to bear huge inflationary pressure. If the prisons do not want to do anything, the pressure will increase and the prison situation will worsen. This is actually a common problem encountered by many other countries. But prison cadres, I am afraid they will have to bear more financial pressure. The salary of the cadres is meager, and they are also under the pressure of inflation. In the past, they were not open, and no one had the opportunity to make a fortune. Everyone suffered equally. Now that the policy is open, it is necessary to engage in the market and make money. The cadres of economic and trade institutions will naturally benefit first, and there is a great opportunity to make money. Even small cadres in power at the local level use their power to take advantage of new things. these kinds of changes,

It can be seen in the following aspects.

First, the originally centralized powers of the prison had to be devolved to the squadrons, since production was based on squadrons. As production takes on greater importance, the squadron has more power and the prison center has less relative power. Secondly, because there may be conflicts in the distribution of interests between squadrons and squadrons, the relationship between cadres of different squadrons has also begun to change, and the factor of distribution of interests has been added.

The squadron has more power, but the power of the squadron's original traditional leadership instructor is actually gradually weakened. In the long run, his status may simply be eliminated. The reason is that now the squadron is not mainly politically in command and aiming at ideological remolding; instead, it is in economic command, aiming to achieve more profits, so the status of the production captain (ie the factory director) has been improved. The more important the profit, the higher the status and power of the factory manager, and the lower the status of the supervisor.

For reform-through-labour prisoners, in the past, labor was for reform, and good work was an indicator of good reform, and it was basically not directly related to profit, but now labor is for profit, so the cadres changed the original arrangement and practiced the practice of modern slavery. The traditional labor has been increased from eight hours a day to twelve hours a day. There are two shifts a day, one shift from 9 to 9, and another shift from 9 to 9. Sometimes work overtime.

After increasing the labor intensity, extending the working hours, and switching to a twelve-hour two-shift system, the prisoners' past lives have naturally changed greatly. The biggest difference is that political studies are basically canceled. After 12 hours of work, who still has the time and energy to study? Moreover, with profits in command, these learnings are no longer important to cadres now, everything is fake if the prison can't make money, and the prison itself has been reduced to a greedy production unit in the ruthless market competing for profits. Opportunity to exploit the surplus value of slave labor of prisoners.

After the contract system was first started, in order to stimulate the enthusiasm of the prisoners, the contract system between prisoners and squadrons was also adopted, that is, there would be bonuses for those who completed the basic fixed output, which was a straightforward material stimulus. The joke that appeared at first was that the rating was too low (this is because the production efficiency in the past was very low), so the excess was too much, and the prisoners who received the contract could be divided into seven or eighty yuan a month. In Huaiji Prison where Wang Xizhe is located, some prisoners can even share more than one hundred and two hundred yuan, which makes the prison hesitant to detain them, which arouses dissatisfaction. Later, prisoners earn more than ten to twenty yuan a month, which has become commonplace, and those who work very hard have three or tens of yuan. In terms of quantity, many prisoners in reform-through-labour work very hard. Because of their high production efficiency, they have replaced thought reform and helped to commute their sentences. Some prisoners even fought to the point of needing vitamin pills to support them.

The prisoners have to work for a long time, so the food is naturally improved, and there is more meat. They also have overtime porridge and sliced ​​meat to eat to supplement the prisoners' strength. The prisoner's economy has improved, and he will also add food to himself. The prison has loosened control over this.

Brainwashing-style political education and thought remolding have already existed in name only. How can prisons make amends? This relies on the double system, that is, the combination of labor and transformation. Prisoners are graded on a daily basis based on labor and mental performance. When the new regulations were introduced, there were more than ten regulations with bonus points and more than 100 points deductions, which reminded me of Confucius's "tyranny is fiercer than tigers". Initially, it was stipulated that one point could be reduced by one day. Later, it was found that many prisoners were awarded a lot of points, so one point was reduced to 0.1 point. I refused to participate in this system from the beginning to the end, and I no longer care if I sit for 30 or more days. As I often told the cadres, I will not escape from prison, and I will sit for ten years until you send me out. Later, I really sat for ten years, and a day was not much.

Under the new trend of "looking at money", the funniest thing is that cadres once tried to reform through labor and encouraged their family members to invest or underwrite. For example, a Hong Kong man, Chen Jianxiong, was sentenced to life imprisonment for smuggling. In order to reduce his sentence, he taught his family to contract the furniture of the woodworking squadron. He also shipped machines from Hong Kong. He worked as a foreman in the woodworking squadron. Out, it doesn't matter if the goods are delayed, but the relationship is bad. I told him that it would be more economical to pay 3,000 or 2,000 yuan to get the cadre's joints and seek commutation. In fact, under the general trend of "looking at money", cadres are rapidly corrupted, and having money really makes ghosts push the grind. Having said that, later I heard that the Bureau of Labor Reform also knew that the prisoner invested in this trick, and the trouble was too much. If the prisoner became the boss in the prison, he would become the world? So it was banned.

Another joke is that in the collective dream of making a fortune, I don’t know which cadre came up with a ghost idea, suggesting that a hotel should be developed in Meijian, called Meizhou Grand Hotel, and even the prison warehouse could be considered for rent, maybe someone would like to live there. It is because of the money-obsessed mind that he can think of any absurd and bizarre things.

In 1987, the event that shook the prison was, of course, the resignation of Hu Yaobang. The prison was the same as the factory in the early days. There was a radio in the morning, but I never listened to it. One day, when a ghost pushed an envoy, he heard that Hu Yaobang was stepping down and knew that it was a big deal. I remember telling Yao Feifuzhi that he saw me scold the Communist Party all the time and joked when I was bragging. At this time, the news of the student movement had already appeared in the newspapers, and prison inmates knew for the first time about the social unrest outside.

Strange to say, it turned out that the society was in chaos, and the direction of the upper party's line was not completely clear for a day, and the lower party was at a loss. For example, the instructor of my squadron, although he was from the Gang of Four, was uncharacteristically when the student movement and the Hu Yaobang incident occurred. Thinking he wanted to understand my thoughts, he said there was nothing to say. The instructor knew that I misunderstood what he meant, and quickly said that he wanted to exchange personal opinions with me, and nothing else. When I said there was no problem, I would say that your Communist Party is in chaos and the third wave is fundamentally right-wing ideology. He said it was not necessarily a matter of technology rather than politics. He asked me if Hu Yaobang would step down and start another Cultural Revolution, I said no, there is no such condition. I also said that Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang are of the same type, but he disagreed. I asked him what his opinion was, and he said he had already said it, but he was afraid of another Cultural Revolution. In any case, when I learned that there was another student movement in the outside world, I was naturally happy. Later, according to news from another squadron cadre, it turned out that Meizhou University also wanted to rebel, but it was suppressed by the work team. However, I never imagined that I would meet one of the activists of the new student movement in prison.

One day I met a young man on the construction site near the medical room, and I chatted with him and asked him why he came in. He hesitated and asked me in turn, so I bluntly said it was a democratic movement. His eyes lit up after hearing this, and he said that he was also involved in the pro-democracy movement. It turned out that this Huiyang man surnamed Ye was a college student. Although the student movement spread to cities in China in late 1986 and early 1987, it was frozen three feet, not a day's cold, and the students were ready to stand up and fight for it for a period of time. . This surnamed Ye is a typical activist. He was in tandem with other students going north to Peking University, and was secretly arrested by the police. At first, I didn’t know how to deal with it. I was afraid that something would happen. Later, I was sentenced to two years lightly. It can be seen that the CCP authorities knew that the students were very dissatisfied and did not dare to stimulate it.

After he knew that I was a student of the University of Hong Kong, he said that he also knew the students of the University of Hong Kong and CUHK, and also said that the students of Hong Kong University were not politicized. I said that when I was a student, I was also politicized, mostly in science and engineering. His impression was the opposite, those in the liberal arts were more concerned, and those in the sciences were not. At first he thought that I was also a member of their gang engaged in the pro-democracy movement. I said no, it was ten or eight years ago, and he said he had never heard of it. When asked if he had heard of Wang Xizhe, he said no. Whether you know Trotskyites or not, they are very young in politics. Of course I did not miss this opportunity to give him a political education, and told him that, in fact, socialism is not a failure, socialism is the ideal of human beings, it is to eliminate exploitation and oppression, liberate society and individuals, and it is only the bureaucrats who fail. The bureaucracy failed the socialist experiment. He also expressed his support for this view, and to seriously review the Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy. Unfortunately, I was soon quarantined and never had the chance to contact him again.

Student movements are often the beginning of social reforms or revolutions, as history has amply demonstrated. However, if the student movement does not integrate with other social classes, it is doomed to fail. This is also the law of history. Of the student movements I've been involved in, the biggest one was the Golden Jubilee in 1978, which happened to end in failure.

The Golden Jubilee was, of course, initially a struggle between Jinxi teachers and students, the school, and the Department of Education, but as the movement developed, it soon reached the point where if the Jinxiu did not rise from a special, individual struggle to a In response to various unreasonable phenomena in the middle school system, the struggle will fail. At that time, there were actually social conditions for expanding the struggle. I remember that once we mobilized more than 200 middle school students from Chen Shuqu Middle School to respond, and Zhang Wenguang was also present at that time. However, because Jinxi's teacher-centered leadership did not choose the direction of socialization of struggle, the opportunity to mobilize the majority of middle school students was missed.

Another characteristic of the Golden Jubilee Struggle’s dead end is the exclusivity of the leadership cores, with them as the subject, all support as the object, and only participation, without even the right to democratic discussion. As a result, although the Trotskyites rejected him early on, after the establishment of the joint meeting, the core teachers also rejected Situ Hua. After returning to Hong Kong, I found out by chance that the degree of deterioration was due to the fact that the leader of teachers, Chen Songling, did not join the Education Association until ten years later during the 1989 democracy movement. "The criticism was not only fulfilled in Sanyu Middle School, but also exposed the death of a school reform in a more depraved way.

After the student movement was suppressed and Hu Yaobang stepped down, the line was clear and the situation became clear. The cadres in the prison also returned to normal and their attitudes changed. During the squadron meeting, the instructors supported the above policies and did not need to make a statement. They also said that some prisoners usually I don't read newspapers, I read newspapers during turmoil, I don't know what I mean.

This year, because the contracting system has been in effect, although the movement has also been carried out, it is only a form, so I don't remember what kind of movement it was.

After Hu Yaobang stepped down, he naturally had to respond to the movement against the liberalization of the bourgeoisie. However, at that time, all the cadres in prison were dreaming of making a fortune. Class liberalization, so the group political study conference became a bragging conference, and everyone was perfunctory. This has never happened in the past.

Regarding the student movement, I can find three typical explanations from my side. The first is Zhang Deyu, a thief who was sentenced to four years. He can be said to have grown up in a labor camp and has rich social experience. Riding on the head of the people, of course, to show support for the students.

The second example is the above-mentioned Yao Feifu. Although he scolded the Communist Party on weekdays and had a sense of justice, he was afraid that it would be too chaotic, so he wavered between bureaucrats and students.

The third typical example is a stinky old man from the countryside, who was born in the orthodox Communist Party. He raised questions about the movement and supported the bureaucracy by asking what freedom the students wanted.

I simply answered him, this freedom is actually very simple, if you are in prison, you are not free. If you still say no, you should go out when you are released from prison! People with a little more social experience tend to support students, while those with privileged backgrounds, even if they fall, tend to support bureaucrats.

In 1987, I pleaded not guilty, which changed my life in May's prison for more than a year.

Since I pleaded guilty a year ago, I have not done anything against my will, or smeared the Communist Party. Fighting for my heart also reduced my sentence by one or two years. I didn’t want it at all. It seemed hopeless to release it immediately, but I had already decided to fight back. When I met my father, he reversed the attitude of persuading me to confess my guilt. It was me who took the risk. Why do I want your forgiveness, and what qualifications do you have to judge me? I am quite angry. In any case, I still told my father that I was going to retort. He also said that the matter is very important. Once I retorted, it would definitely not be better, but he was mentally prepared and told me that it doesn't matter what happens, Ah Qing will take care of it. Yan for the rest of his life.

At that meeting, I took the radio tape recorder my father brought me. After listening to it for more than a month, I wrote a note saying that I have pleaded not guilty, and that I have no guilt. The instructor said, this is not good. I didn’t admit it at all, so the prison authorities were shocked, reported it to the Prison Administration Section, and submitted it to the Labor Reform Bureau, ready to take me seriously.

From then on, I naturally tightened up, and I was in trouble everywhere. I also transferred the No. 1 labor reform head Chen Shusheng from the confinement room to monitor me. This person was the captain of the fire department. As usual, the sentence was lightly sentenced for four years. After a month or two, the official decision came. It was announced at the squadron meeting that I was in charge of Chen Shusheng. Other prisoners were not allowed to talk to me. Chen Shusheng.

This isolation policy had a great impact on my spirit. I became the lowest prisoner of labor reform, and I had to be monitored even when I went to the toilet. I felt that my personality was greatly insulted. Needless to say, the isolation I received shook the entire prison.

At that time, some people thought that they were going to carry out the Cultural Revolution, and they were going to build a bullpen. I saw it clearly and knew that it would not be done. The work was no longer needed, but the production captain was very dissatisfied with this. The squadron lost my senior mechanic, I have to assign another person to accompany me, and I have to transfer eleven laborers from my warehouse. The loss of labor is too great. Therefore, we had to do everything in our power to reduce labor losses. The labor force is weakened, the output is reduced, the funds are reduced, and the cadres are less oily. If the production leader has the right to decide, I think he would rather punish me for daily processing and turn bad things into good things.

I don't have to do work, Section Chief Liu told me to study instead. At that time, after I had finished reading Das Kapital, I said that I wanted to study Selected Works of Lenin, and he took me to the library to find it. The complete works, Section Chief Liu and I went in to look for them, but we couldn’t find them. Section Chief Liu asked the Laogai head Marxist-Leninist who was serving in the library where the books were kept. The latter replied that they had already sold them as waste paper. Angry, because this trip was a big scandal in front of me. The political and legal organs of the Communist Party sold the classics of the ancestors as waste paper. Knowing that I would definitely laugh at them happily, I said sternly and said that they would bring him to the confinement. . In fact, everyone knew in their hearts that if it wasn't for the cadre's claim, how could this labor reform head dare to sell it? Immediately, I asked Section Chief Liu to buy it for me. He quickly agreed and asked a correctional officer to do it. The latter came to me and told me not to leave him in trouble, because there were no Marxist-Leninist books for sale in Meizhou Bookstore. might have.

After returning to Hong Kong, I wanted to go to the Leftist Bookstore to buy a copy of Lenin's "What Should I Do? ” didn’t sell either. When she asked the clerk, she heard the title of the book, and there was a look of contempt on her face. Pity the Chinese Communist Party, who is still talking about the four insistences, and can't even buy a book, let's see how to insist on Marxism-Leninism.

After a round of talking, in order to strengthen the labor force of the squadron, the cadres chose a few labor reform leaders to share the warehouse with me, but declared that they were not allowed to talk to me. I implemented a material policy and bought them with food. , can also chat.

One of the captains, Zheng Dacheng, who smuggled Taiwanese publications, was sentenced to a heavy sentence. He sat for ten or eight years, with more than ten years to go. He is a martial artist and has also made a name for himself, but as he gets older, his wife outside has followed others, leaving a son and a daughter to learn badly, and he is worried. One day he put on a basketball jersey and walked straight to the gate. The guard asked him what was going on. He said he was playing, so he was put into confinement. I believe he would be beaten as usual. What happened after that is unknown. In short, prisoners have children, it is difficult to sit in prison with peace of mind.

The isolation policy has really hit me hard. Sometimes I have thoughts of suicide in my mind, but I don’t consciously want to commit suicide. Shakespeare’s famous line is often circling in my mind: “To be or not be, this is the question.” . At night, I often have nightmares, dreaming that I have become a cow, skinned alive, and gasping for breath. If you don’t talk about it, you may not know that there is a practice in some parts of the country, which is to dig a hole in the ground, turn the cow into the pit, turn the cow into the hole, and then peel it alive, cut the meat first, and then cook the meat beside the cow. The beef cooked in this way is particularly fresh and sweet. As for this cow, it has been screaming in the pit. I think this dream means being slaughtered. In short, the spirit is tortured day and night, miserable.

In the past, every time my parents came to visit me and asked me how my life was, except for the time of confinement, I always said yes. This time they asked, and I said life was miserable. At that time, I also heard from my parents that there was solidarity outside. They also said that Gan Zai (Fr. Gan Haowang) went on a hunger strike for you, but it was not a long-term one, but once a year. I have seen He Junren's lawyer's letter to China. I remember that it said that I was an electronic engineer. I thought it was a big deal, saying that I was a pillar of society. I think this is more funny. They also told me that there was originally a co-branded New Year's card, and Situ Hua also signed it, so I said yes. Father said that Situ Hua did not want to sign, but Gan Zai forced him to sign. I say that's fine. My parents don't know, whether there is support from outside is very important to me inside. This kind of moral support is very practical support for people in prison, because through this we can be stronger and stronger. Fight with determination and optimism.

During this time, I was sick and went to the infirmary and gained a new understanding of the privileged class in prison.

It turned out that there was actually a prisoner in Meijian, who was the secretary of the Shantou prefectural party committee and committed an economic crime. However, because he was in charge of all the cadres in the Shantou area, the central government tricked him into getting a promotion. Caught, Zhou Zhang, it's a joke. He belongs to the squadron of the elderly in the prison, and has a clean room for him to stay in. He is served by prisoners in daily life, and the warden also comes to visit and chat to relax.

There is another Weihe character in the old man squadron, who is actually the director of Shantou City Public Security, who is also guilty of economic crimes. There is an immigration section chief, who is still guilty of corruption. There is also a big embezzler whose name is forgotten, but his case has been on TV and is very famous. Another elderly rapist has a big belly, his younger brother is the editor of People's Daily, and some other cadres' children. The number of years in prison for these people is one thing. They sat for a while and waited for the outside world to calm down. In prison, they are not the same thing as ordinary labor prisoners. The degree of class distinction is certainly greater than that of bourgeois prisons.

In fact, inmates in the "Squadron of the Elderly" are also lucky, because after the contract system, these elderly people have no labor value, so soon the elderly are also released on medical parole, leaving only a few, saving a large amount of wasted money for the prison authorities. expenditure.

The most famous of this old squadron are a pair of missionary brothers, who are quite old. They are not Catholics in the Vatican, nor are they ordinary Christians. They are not called priests or priests, but only priests. The two brothers really preached. They went in and out of prison several times, and every time they were released, they preached the gospel. They took in more than 2,000 disciples in Shantou and were sentenced to more than ten years in prison. Later, my brother died of illness. I asked him if his brother was sad. He said that he was not sad. This time it was better, and he didn't have to suffer in life.

The next year, in 1988, Chen Shusheng, the head of the reform-through-labour camp, had done all the bad things, and he had his sentence commuted and left, and Wang Bingnan was assigned to look after me. He was originally a Shantou policeman and was also jailed for economic crimes. He is more normal than Chen Shusheng, and he made a three-chapter appointment with me. Everyone knows how to do it, so it doesn't make me difficult. The humanities are very good, and he concentrates on writing martial arts novels in prison. In fact, until this time, I also learned to be good, as the so-called stubborn life, sometimes quiet and quiet, to avoid injury and anger. It's just a matter of contradicting this, but I will never regret it, and I will definitely deny the sin. When the scoundrel was about to go to Huaiji Prison later, Wang Bingnan and I were almost friends, and after talking to me about that, I'm afraid you will have to confess.

During this period of isolation, apart from being mentally uncomfortable and devoted to studying, there was nothing good to say about it, and the days went by day by day. More than a month before the Mid-Autumn Festival, the secret verdict was finally worn, and my father finally issued it in Hong Kong. I thought it was the Bureau of Labor Reform who knew and instructed Section Chief Liu. When the Section Chief arrived, he and other cadres arrested me for interrogation overnight. I said I was not afraid, and I admitted that it was passed on, so I started to be in confinement.

Fortunately, the confinement this time was not as hard as last time. Wang Bingnan would still come to see me in the confinement room. In fact, he sometimes took care of me to make me feel better. For example, smuggling mosquito coils in to save me from the pain of mosquito needles, and having a chance to chat with me in my spare time to relieve my boredom. The two labor reformers who guard the confinement are both cadres, one is an exit and entry instructor in Shantou, and the other is an exit and entry instructor. Section elder Ma, both of them were sentenced in the same case as the police chief. They have great privileges, and they can go out to the streets at night, but they have no money and feel that it is useless to go out, so they often beat the prisoners of labor reform and ask them for money. , also asked me, I said no.

On the day of welcoming the moon, I asked Wang Bingnan to secretly let me out to admire the moon, and he said yes, as long as the cadres left, he would let me go. It's just that the cadres don't leave until two or three in the morning after drinking and chatting, so they miss the good night's supper. But whether there is a chance to appreciate the moon, Mei Jian's career is over.

Chapter 8 The Final Journey from 1988 to 1991----Huaiji Prison

 After the Mid-Autumn Festival, in the early morning on Sunday, Section Chief Liu secretly took me on the road, so mysterious that even the squadron cadres didn’t know where I was going, and this trip was free of handcuffs. Although I invited Section Chief Liu to the restaurant for a meal on the way to eat and drink, He didn't reveal his whereabouts either. At first, I had fantasies, thinking that after the verdict was published, there was a lot of noise outside, and the Communist Party quietly took me to Shenzhen to let me go. During a one-night break in Guangzhou Prison, Section Chief Liu didn't say anything. When he was on his way to Huaiji Prison the next day, he revealed his destination. My wishful thinking was shattered again.

Before I got to Huaiji, Section Chief Liu had already scared me, saying that it wouldn't work if I didn't confess my guilt. But when we arrived at Huaiji, when I saw the environment, I was a little flustered.

It turned out that what I had arrived was not an ordinary prison. At first glance, it was a new special solitary confinement prison. The doors of four solitary confinement bungalows on both sides of a passage were swept away by the gray water, which was as scary as a hospital morgue. The set is located in the poor mountains and bad waters, the surroundings are chilling, and the atmosphere is even more terrifying. It turned out that although this place is located in Huaiji Prison, it is a prison within a prison, but it is directly under the administration of the Bureau of Labor Reform. There is absolutely no right to interrogate this special prison, and the cadres here are also labor reform bureaus.

When I first arrived here, the cadres pretended to be ghosts, were very arrogant, and always ignored them. The place where I live is a one-bedroom with a patio and a courtyard for ventilation, which is muddy. Three meals a day are bad meals. This is because the Huaiji contract system is not well done, and it is difficult to grow vegetables. Sometimes three meals a day are radishes, which is extremely hard. Books and the like are detained by the prison authorities, and some are returned after a period of time. The newspapers are not available at first. Every day, I look out the window and make hexagrams.

Once when I saw a doctor and passed the duty room, I saw Wang Xizhe's name and knew that he was also here. A few days later, the cadres let me out in the private courtyard to let out the air. I heard other gates opening and closing, and I knew that there were other solitary prisoners. The guards usually returned to their duty stations and came out to see after a while. At first, everyone didn't dare to mess around, so they called out a few times. Wang Xizhe and the others also responded, and they were sure that there were other inmates.

After letting the wind go back to the warehouse, I already knew that the cadre would only come out to see us once every hour or two, so he called the other side through the window and asked him where his name came from. The Wang Xizhe I know is different, so I can't recognize him by his voice. He didn't answer my question directly, and only admitted to engaging in the pro-democracy movement after further questioning. I asked him if he knew Wang Xizhe, and he said he was. I was so happy that I quickly called out that I was Liu Shanqing, and it was difficult for me to recognize each other. Although I only listened to him for the time being and didn't see him, he was just as happy as I was. But at this time, everyone was not familiar with the environment and did not dare to be arrogant, so they did not dare to talk for a long time.

After talking with Wang Xizhe ten times and eight times through the window and the outer wall (we call it "calling"), I started to contact the other two. He Qiu should know about the existence and conversation between Wang Xizhe and I, but he only answered after he asked us to take the initiative. Later, they contacted the last prisoner, Zheng Huiwu.

Zheng Yiwu is from Hainan Island, and he is not tall. He seems to have studied aesthetics in South China Normal University. After graduation, he returned to Hainan Island to teach. According to him, an island-wide underground organization has been developed there. There are 2,000 party members. I am very concerned about this. I suspect that the main purpose of the program is to strive for a national shareholding system, that is, to distribute national property to the people with shares in an equal distribution method. Although he said he was in favor of public ownership, I think he was right-leaning. Later, the Communist Party learned of the activities, and several people were arrested and sentenced to 14 years in prison for the crime of counter-revolutionary organization.

Wang Xizhe and I not only made "phone calls", but also made "fax calls" later. It turned out that there were two windows in the warehouse. The lower window was used to block the courtyard wall, but the upper window was higher than the courtyard wall, so we could see the window above the opposite warehouse, so we climbed up the upper window and met across the window. , I am very happy to see each other. Later, he called He Qiu to meet again, and after several calls, he still did not move. Finally, Wang Xizhe said to him, climb up, Liu Shanqing wanted to see you, so everyone met again in prison.

Later, Wang Xizhe invented a method to exchange messages by text, which is to put the note into the medicine bottle and throw it into the recipient's courtyard. One time when the duty officer Mo Sen wanted to let the wind out, He Qi was not conspicuous. A medicine bottle was thrown into Wang Xizhe's courtyard and almost hit him on the head. Mo Sen was furious and asked what he wanted. confinement. This confinement is sitting in our original warehouse, and it is not allowed to let the wind out. He Qiu was cute and hard. He vowed not to write an inspection and admit his mistakes. He fought with the Communist Party to death, so that the cadres could not step down. He fined him for half a year before letting him go.

At this time, Wang Xizhe was already full of gray hair, and his health was poor. He was only a little thinner, had heart disease, often had sensitive nose problems, and lost a lot of teeth. According to him, during his interrogation, he refuted the accusations filed by the procuratorate one by one, leaving the prosecution speechless. When the court adjourned, Wang Xizhe thought he had won and could be released, but he would have been sentenced to 14 years after the court resumption, completely beyond his original expectations. Wang Xizhe went to Huaiji Prison as soon as he was dropped off from the detention center. At first, like me, he mixed with ordinary prisoners to work as a blacksmith, and he also saw the gate.

In the detention center, Wang Xizhe said that he met Wang Yifei. Wang Yifei worked with Wang Xizhe during the Cultural Revolution. After the police arrested He Qiu and Wang Xizhe in 1981, he was so angry that he was so angry that he printed out leaflets and was arrested and imprisoned for a period of time. Released a year later.

He Qiu did not cooperate at the beginning of the hearing. Later, the cadre told him, I am also doing business on a business trip, and there is nothing I can do. When his heart softened, he was willing to provide materials selectively. He thought that he could say what he could say, but he didn't say it if he couldn't. It was different from my attitude. Although I didn't say what I couldn't say, I didn't say what I could say. He didn't say anything about the court, I think it was a hard cap, and he was sentenced to ten years in the end. He first entered the Huaiji prison branch to work as a paint carpenter. When He Qiu was in the detention center, he didn't pace like I learned from Marx, and sat all day, and ended up with hemorrhoids. He became much weaker, passed out several times in the detention center, and once had to be sent to the hospital for emergency treatment, only after consultation with two doctors was his life saved.

He Qiu, like Wang Xizhe, has a difficult home environment. He Qiu has a daughter, his wife wants to take care of her, and he has to give some money to He Qiu, because the daily necessities such as toothpaste, incense sticks, etc. have to be bought by themselves in prison, so it is very tight. After He Qiu was released from prison in April last year, he heard that he had been ill and did not want to go back to the original factory, but wanted to sell duck eggs. Wang Xizhe's wife has to take care of her son, and she has to give Wang Xizhe some money every month to make up for it. During the period of Li Yizhe's big-character poster, Wang Xizhe was persecuted himself, his wife was also persecuted, and even his aunt was implicated. He was persecuted until he went mad and died. Wang Xizhe said that many people in mainland China have scruples about engaging in sports, that is, once they are imprisoned, they will have no whereabouts at home. After I came back to Hong Kong, I learned that during the pro-democracy movement, Hong Kong people donated a lot of money to support the pro-democracy movement. I think for the pro-democracy fighters like Wang Xizhe who are still in prison, the relevant groups should find a way to help their families and support their basic expenses in prison.

When it comes to guarding our cadres, there are three more senior ones: instructors, correctional cadres, and directors. Below are four teams on duty, each with two members, and these four teams take turns guarding three shifts a day.

The instructor was named Gao Yuandi, a bad guy who liked to lie and not admit his debts. Wang Xizhe asked him to change the light bulb to read a book, and he said coolly that too light is bad for the eyes. He also manages my money, which is his favorite job, because he "hit the axe" whenever he has the opportunity to buy things for me, so he often encourages me to buy more things, but there are more opportunities to wipe the oil. Later, because the accounts were really unclear, it was ordered by Political Commissar Wang to be replaced by Huang Quanhai, a correctional officer. It's not that Huang Quanhai is not greedy, but he's not as rogue as Gao Yuandi. At most, he asks me to buy beer, one box at a time. Although I don't particularly like drinking beer, he has no choice but to go along for the entertainment. This Huang Quanhai pretended to be scary and scolded people, as if he was invincible and unreasonable. When I talked to Wang Xizhe, I changed him the name of the yellow tiger. He knew it too. He could see that he was happy to be a tiger. He just didn't know that the tiger in my heart was the king tiger of "Tiger King robs relatives". Not the mighty tiger in his heart.

Speaking of tigers, there is also a little joke. Later, Gao Yuandi asked me to cut the weeds in the courtyard. I said that it should not be cut. When I had time to enjoy it, he said that it must be cut, otherwise the weeds will hide when they grow. Tiger. I sarcastically said that there are no tigers in Huaiji, and Ma Liu is the king. Later, I told it to Wang Xizhe, and he cheered loudly.

During the pro-democracy movement in 1989, I spent the same time in prison with excitement, nervousness, calmness, and grief and anger. At this point, Wang Xizhe and I have basically been able to grasp the pulse of the times by delivering the subscriptions to People’s Daily, Nanfang Daily, Shanghai Wen Wei Po, the English version of China Daily and other regional newspapers the next day. He Qiu subscribes to "People's Daily", "Nanfang Daily", and "Yangcheng Evening News").

Long before the student movement broke out, Wang Xizhe and I had the same political intuition that something would go wrong this year. This is because even through official publications, we have already seen the crisis in Chinese society: official corruption is rampant, corruption is rampant, inflation is staggering and the common people are suffering, unemployment is high and blind currents are rampant, and dissatisfaction has long been brewing and waiting for an opportunity to erupt. I especially noticed that before the student movement appeared, the People's Daily behaved very strangely. It asked senior intellectuals to talk about the May 4th Movement. It did not emphasize the usual cliché that the May Fourth Movement was a patriotic movement for students. On the contrary, However, it highlights democracy and science, Mr. De and Mr. Sai, and highlights student mobilization and struggle. In my opinion, this kind of systematic propaganda that the May 4th Movement was a student struggle, a struggle for democracy and science, at that time I already thought it was creating public opinion for the students, not for no reason.

In fact, I don't think the 1989 pro-democracy movement was purely spontaneous. As far as students' participation in the movement was concerned, of course they were purely spontaneous, but in terms of creating the conditions for the movement, there were deliberate agitation by intellectuals and differences at the top.

In any case, my judgment at the time was that the student union was in trouble on May 4th. Wang Xizhe estimated that it was four or five. I guess the May 4th Movement was mainly due to seeing senior intellectuals in the People's Daily propagating the deployment of the May 4th Movement. Wang Xizhe guessed it was four or five because he estimated that the students would take advantage of the anniversary of the Tiananmen incident. Regardless of whose estimates are correct, what is important is that we really see the imminent danger of the students. On April 15, when Hu Yaobang passed away, the students began to stir. After the start of the earth-shattering 1989 democracy movement, Wang Xizhe and I, in addition to paying attention to all the relevant reports in the newspapers, diligently pondering and analyzing, also engaged in heated discussions. The method of discussion is still "calling" and talking through a window, but this time, under the impact of the movement, it is much more bold, not as sneaky as in the past, but reckless, loudly discussing, and ignoring whether the cadres are monitoring outside. At the beginning, the cadres still threatened us and asked us to silence our voices, but we went out of our way and ignored them. Therefore, during this period, Wang Xizhe and I had a lively discussion, analysis and exchange of opinions or debates every day.

The students took to the streets to pay their respects to Hu Yaobang. I immediately judged that this was because of Hu Yaobang, and the dissatisfaction began to erupt in the form of social movements. Zhao Ziyang also visited North Korea during this sensitive time. responsibility, it should be easier to deal with when he comes back. Coincidentally, when he went to Pyongyang on April 23, Peking University happened to decide to strike indefinitely. Regarding the repercussions of the democracy movement in Beijing, first of all, inland cities such as Xi'an have been the most intense. I also have a little observation. I think this is because in the reform and opening up, the interests of inland cities are the least, and the people's dissatisfaction is big, and there are also complaints from officials. At that time, I remember that some provincial governors even publicly stated in the local newspapers that he had no power, but the power rested with the central government.

Regarding the dialogue between Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi and Li Peng, I think students should not make so many small gestures in their speeches. They should take this opportunity to raise fundamental issues and raise the issue of multi-party system. However, in fact, the students at that time did not have this political maturity.

Wang Xizhe and I have different views on the differences at the top. At that time, he thought that Deng Xiaoping had deliberately let Zhao Ziyang do it, and he would only come out to clean up if he couldn't do it. I think that this is impossible politically, and no matter how power will be given to others, there are fundamental differences between Zhao and Deng, and there is a fierce internal struggle. Before the May Fourth Movement, basically I thought that The Zhao faction has the upper hand.

Before and after the May Fourth Movement, Wang Xizhe supported what the students did at that time and demanded dialogue, but I laughed at him. Now the Communist Party no longer wants to talk, so what else can they talk about. On May 3, Yuan Mu refused to talk to the students, publicly calling the Beijing Association of Colleges and Universities an illegal organization, and accusing the students of "black hands" behind them. At this time, the movement was at a stalemate. Wang Xizhe thought that there should be no more parades on May 4th. My opinion is to do so. Later, the students actually marched and pointed out the big slogan "Support the Communist Party". The slogan of "The Communist Party" is good, and the leadership of the movement is very mature, and it will not be raised by students. His view is actually inheriting the tradition of the Red Guard movement during the Cultural Revolution of "following the red flag against the red flag". At that time, you were a revolutionary rebel, and I was also a revolutionary rebel, and I went back and forth, all holding Mao Zedong Thought as the banner. Not only did this red flag not rebel, but it became more and more red for the so-called anti-revolution with the red flag. To this day, I still think that the Cultural Revolution, the group carrying the red flag, turned around, and almost no one could walk through the Wuzhi Mountain of Mao Zedong Thought. Mao Zedong Thought is extremely corrupt. Having this idea, I naturally think that the movement should not carry the banner of "supporting the Communist Party."

At that time, I thought that before Gorbachev visited China in mid-May, the Chinese authorities would definitely not suppress the students, so there was still room for the movement to develop. At the same time, I think Gorbachev was at the forefront of socialist countries at that time, and Chinese students should support him and welcome him.

When Zhao Ziyang met with Gorbachev and said that the most important issue in the country was still Deng Xiaoping at the helm, I was not only more certain that the differences at the top had become serious and open, but also clearly saw that Zhao Ziyang's wing had lost power. He is not in a weak position, so he would not openly turn against Deng Xiaoping like this.

Some people think that the game Gorbachev played in socialist countries is like stripping clothes, forced to take off by the situation. Socialism is over. I have seen this logic in prison. I thought at the time that one of the conditions for the development of the student movement was that Zhao Ziyang would gain power and let him play the role of Gorbachev in China.

By the time Zhao Ziyang saw the students speak in tears, this was his last chance in the party. The People's Daily did not report his tears, but the English-language China Daily did. At that time, if the students gave in a little bit and didn't make the situation stiff, Zhao Ziyang might still have a chance to gain influence within the party, and he would not be completely polarized within the party and forced to stand on the opposite side of Deng Xiaoping.

However, students cannot see this, Zhao Ziyang has nowhere to go in the party, Deng Xiaoping's line is overwhelming, because he sees clearly what happened in the Soviet Union, Gorbachev's concessions will lead to greater concessions, and finally The whole party fell apart. If the students give in at this time, if Deng Xiaoping still proposes a tough repression, I am afraid it will be unreasonable, while Zhao Ziyang's side can still have room for action. Once this last opportunity is lost, everything that happens after that is destined to happen. In any case, Zhao Ziyang's remarks to the students deeply moved me, and I even cried for it at night.

On May 24, fifty-seven members of the NPC Standing Committee jointly signed a request for an emergency meeting of the Standing Committee. I am not surprised by this at all, and I know that the National People's Congress will definitely get the head, because theoretically the National People's Congress is higher than the Party and can overturn the decision of the Communist Party, so I will definitely use this position. In this regard, Wang Xizhe and He Qiu disagreed. They believed that the power of the National People's Congress was higher than that of the Communist Party. In fact, the Party is above everything.

I was very excited when I learned about the Hong Kong parade on May 28, knowing that the people of Hong Kong were really mobilized. At this time, I did not think that no one in the march of one million people proposed to release me. This has become a very secondary matter. All our spirits are focused on this movement that can change the destiny of the times.

When the students in Shanghai proposed the "empty school movement" at the end of May, I thought it was a wrong approach. If students leave the school, on the bright side, everyone is scattered. Don't gather together, and they will be repressed at any time. However, the problem is that the students in the empty school no longer gather together. This means that there is no collective strength, no organization, and no movement. While preventing repression, it disintegrates its own motivation and smashes its possible composition. Rise up, concentrate your strength. So the "empty school movement" is stupid.

After the "Goddess of Democracy" was erected in Tiananmen Square, Wang Xizhe and I both knew that this trip was serious. In the eyes of the Communist Party, Tiananmen Square is their holy place, and now erecting the "Goddess of Democracy" is actually erecting another banner to provide a pretext for the Communist Party to suppress.

On the last day of May, when the peasants supported the government demonstrations appeared, I definitely saw that the problem was not that the peasants did not understand the students, opposed the students, and supported the government, but that the Communist Party did a trick, whether it was the Communist Party or bribing them, or Trick them, or both and concoct the play.

On the morning of June 4th, when a prisoner was giving me a haircut, I heard the prison broadcast and knew that the army had suppressed the students. The original broadcast said that 300 students died and 300 soldiers died. After I heard it, I shouted, the Communist Party killed people! The prisoner who had the haircut was so frightened that he quickly persuaded me, knowing that, don't say it so loudly. Of course, the cadres next to him heard it, but there was no reaction. In fact, most of the cadres at that time were sympathetic to the students.

Two days before the crackdown, I had a heated debate with He Qiu and Wang Xizhe about the future of the student movement. Before that, we had different views on the nature of this movement. Although everyone thought it was a democratic movement, we had different understandings on whether it was a patriotic movement. They think it is a patriotic movement, and I think that if the patriotic movement is mainly about keeping the country stable, then it is not a patriotic movement. Of course, this difference can also be understood as a difference of different definitions, but the discussion before the crackdown was much more intense. They believed that the movement would be won. I disagree. I pointed out that there is often silence before bloodshed. When Wang Xizhe heard me say this, he became very emotional and was so angry that he scolded me in foul language. I ignored it, and told him that as long as the two armies faced each other and had not yet fought, how would the winner be determined. Napoleon also had a decisive battle at Waterloo to decide the final outcome. The students charged forward, but the government had not yet fought back, and the two palms had to be clapped.

After the crackdown, I didn't believe the official broadcast. Three hundred students and sergeants each died. I didn't believe it. If this is the case, the soldiers who hold the loot will also die as many people. Unless the army turns against each other, then the situation will be very good, and the regime will have a chance to collapse. Secondly, I don't believe that it is the students who died. I think that the majority are still citizens. I came from the student movement. Do I not know enough about students?

I think one of the reasons why Wang Xizhe fantasized about the victory of the movement before the crackdown was that he was confused by the illusion of harmony between the army and the people. When he saw that the army and the people could get along well, he said that the above was going to suppress it, and the soldiers would not suppress it. I disagree. The reason is that I think the soldiers of the CCP, mainly from the countryside, have low educational quality and strong obedience. If they are ordered to kill, they will kill them. Before the suppression, they will eat whatever the civilians give them, and even feel a little sympathetic to the students. It's not unusual at all, just with an order, they will obey the order, and they will never be soft-hearted.

But the fact that the most wanted to appear after all appeared. Wang Xizhe was heartbroken about this, saying that the student was wrong, he did not give in, and now there is nothing left. At the time, I thought that the movement had not been completely suppressed and that the masses had seen the hypocritical nature of the bureaucracy in this past struggle.

I also pointed out that if the bureaucracy wants to pull back history, the only way is to learn from Mao Zedong, as he dealt with the 1949 revolution when mass consciousness was rising. To cool down the lively masses in the civil war, in the revolutionary transformation. But after the June 4th, the CCP did not do this. It still insisted on opening up and reforms in its own way, and did not comprehensively suppress the masses. So I thought the movement had not been completely disintegrated at that time. Because of this analysis, I have been looking forward to the resurgence of the democratic movement. As a result, the first anniversary of June 4th made my hopes dashed. On the second anniversary of June 4, I still could not see the torrent of the democratic movement, which erupted from the ground and burned the whole country like wildfire. China.

The best part is that the official videotape was also shown to us. I took it to the cadre's office alone to see it. The video was well shot, and the movement was quite positive. There were scenes of setting fire to tanks, killing people, and the crowd fighting back. It made me excited. What's even better is that I applauded while watching, and even shouted that it would be good to overthrow the Communist Party, even though the cadres were at the side, I didn't dare to say anything. In fact, after watching the video, the cadres did not ask me to express my position. In fact, when the incident happened, the cadres also opposed such suppression of students. For example, when I told them that Mao Zedong killed more people, they replied that people should not kill people in peacetime!

During the June 4th period, we discussed loudly and openly, which has become a practice. In fact, the cadres were also very concerned about the development of the democratic movement, and they were also constantly discussing. He Qiu's cell, the cadre's duty room recently, because we are a special prison, ordinary cadres in Huaiji are not allowed to enter, but during the June 4th, other cadres flocked to this duty room to discuss the issue of the democracy movement loudly. Please hear, we know they are also very concerned. However, when everything returned to normal after the crackdown, the attitude of the cadres returned to being conservative. I think the Communist Party has really done a very thorough political study internally, because even these lower-level cadres know how to look at the issue of the democratic movement from an international perspective, and think Gorbachev is the culprit. This reflects that the top leaders of the Communist Party of China have indeed learned the historical experience of political reform in the Soviet Union, knowing that within the bureaucracy, once power is opened up, the entire political dynamic will inevitably develop to break through the concentration of power, break through the one-party dictatorship, and crush the The existence of the bureaucracy will make the most kind-hearted political reformer, consciously or unconsciously, inevitably become his own ruthless gravedigger in the end. However, what happened in Romania soon will show the bureaucrats a more ruthless side of history. If the bureaucrats do not act as their own gravediggers, the fate of perishing is a hundred times more tragic.

After June 4, the discipline in the prison has basically loosened up a lot for us. However, there are two other cadres who have the worst attitude towards us, often turning a deaf ear and insulting us at every turn. One is called Wang Shawang, who has been the director of the workshop more than ten years ago. In terms of seniority, he can be more than a supervisor, but he is frustrated in officialdom, and the more he does it, the lower he gets, and the more he ends up, the worse he will end up. owe him. Another cadre on duty, Captain Hou, was also extremely vile.

During this year, another case worth mentioning was Wang Xizhe's hunger strike. It turned out that after we entered this prison, all the original books were withheld. This is because the Communist Party is most afraid of writing. We have repeatedly proposed to take them back, but the cadres did not pay attention to them, and there was no result. Later, Wang Xizhe finally couldn't bear it any longer and discussed with me about going on a hunger strike. He asked me to join him, but I didn't give a positive answer. Talking about Wang Xizhe, he was in trouble. He wrote a report to announce a hunger strike, and vowed that the cadres should return the books. The cadre's countermeasure is to scold and frighten, but Wang is not alarmed, and he is not afraid of scolding. The lowest cadres couldn't be frightened, so they came out from the upper level, but all levels were ineffective against Wang Xizhe. After three days, I discussed with He Qiu that it is better to join the hunger strike and support Wang Xizhe. He Qiu said he was not afraid, Wang Xizhe could endure for at least a week, and then he would count. I have never been on a hunger strike, and I am ashamed to say that, but I was a little scared, so I obeyed what I asked for as soon as I heard it. Who knew that in another day, Political Commissar Wang had come down and agreed to Wang Xizhe's request. However, it will take another month for the book to arrive in his hands. This is often the case with the bureaucrats of the Communist Party. They will not miss the opportunity to torture you for trivial matters.

Later, when I asked about Wang Xizhe's hunger strike, he got angry and said, don't mention it any more. Naturally I never dared to interject any more, so I never talked about it again.

There were one or two more interesting events this year. First, we didn’t have a stove to cook and eat by ourselves, so sometimes we used burning newspapers to cook instant noodles or coffee. The newspapers produced a lot of smoke, and officials often interfered, but we waited for an opportunity to burn them again.

But another case is that after three meals a day, I try to throw some rice grains in the middle of the garden, hoping that the sparrows will peck at them. At first, these little birds were skeptical and did not dare to make mistakes. Later, they became bold and dared to come and peck. , and later it became a habit to come to beg for food at regular times every day, and I have been with them for a long time, and I have begun to know how to recognize them.

The most unfortunate thing is that after this inhuman solitary confinement, Zheng Huiwu began to be driven a little crazy. At the beginning, during June 4th, Zheng Huiwu told us that he was ill, and the symptom was his stool. It looked normal at first, but after a while it turned dark red, and after a while it turned bright red, like blood. This is what he said. We can't see it or not, and we can't be sure. Maybe he has been in a trance since then. At this time, he has been asking the cadres to see him a doctor. But when encountering the likes of the yellow tigers, they pretend to not hear, ignore them, and sometimes scold trouble. Later, Zheng Zheng became more noisy in the afternoon, so he found a doctor for the prisoner. The result was that he was given a pain-relieving pill, etc., and he did not take it seriously. Zheng Wei was a simple person, and he often asked for a doctor but couldn't, and his mood was inevitably depressed. , Gradually, he felt more and more seriously ill, and his spirit began to fall into a split. He often muttered to himself, saying that this doctor is OK, but he doesn't want to see that doctor. After a while, he suspects that a cadre who is most willing to take care of him, Captain Chen, poisoned him with poison. He also wrote a report, reported it to the top, and used the law to defend himself and filed a complaint against him. As a result, his relationship with the cadres worsened, and his mood worsened. At this time, that is, more than a year later, Zheng Yiwu has stopped reading, not reading newspapers, and doing nothing all day long, murmuring to himself, shouting that he is sick, this doctor is brilliant, that doctor is useless, I have heard a lot, and I also feel that bored. Judging from the situation of Zheng Huiwu, this kind of solitary confinement may actually destroy people invisibly.

Besides, in this special prison in Huaiji, there was an exception when my parents visited me in the morning. Usually, they visited me at night, because they left Guangzhou early in the morning and arrived at around 4 pm. When they came to the prison, they asked them to meet me in the evening. But once they came, Section Chief Wang did not explain, and the cadres were not allowed to meet them. They had to look for Section Chief Wang everywhere. See you the next morning. The next day, from this special supervisor test, I had to walk for more than ten minutes on a small road to get to the interview room, but I saw that there were many small shops on both sides of the road, and I found out after inquiring that it was a business run by retired supervisors.” Xiang Xiang Qian looked at Huaiji Prison, blowing like the wind.

After seeing my parents, I was escorted back to the warehouse and walked back along the path. When I looked back, my parents followed me in small steps in order to see me more often. I couldn't stop and wait for him, and when I saw this scene, I couldn't help but feel very sad.

In fact, in the past in Meizhou Prison, I also had an unforgettable sad experience. After one interview, I walked from the interview room to the prison gate, which was about 30 to 50 steps away. I saw my mother hurried to the gate. I felt very strange at the moment. After thinking about it, I realized that I was afraid that I would not be able to catch up with me. Footsteps, in order to see me for a while, waved goodbye to me, and ran to open the door to wait for me. When I thought about it, I was very sad.

When I was released from prison, whenever a reporter interviewed me, I promised to go home to serve my parents. The idea came from the above scene. When I recalled that when I was engaged in sports, I really regarded my family as an inn and ignored my parents at all. They were so nervous about me, I was deeply moved.

Talking about the past, during this period of collection, I often look back. One of the chapters is about the experience of the New Youth Society at that time. I will briefly introduce it here, and it may be useful for the younger generation.

Before Xinqing, I actually joined a small Maoist-leaning organization called the Life Group. The team members are all college students, and they think they should go to the masses, live where they live, do the work they do, and live the life they live. So everyone found a wooden hut area and stayed there, and some went to work in factories. I stayed in this group for three to five months, but I didn't have a general direction, it wasn't a movement, and this formalist method had no way out, so the life group disbanded.

The Xinqing Society had practical work, namely education for workers and encouraging workers to join trade unions. At the beginning, the rest were mainly Maoist-leaning petty bourgeoisie. But there is no way out. At that time, we also met outstanding trade union activists who wanted to organize young workers with us because they were suspicious of trade unions. There was no way out, so soon the Maoist-leaning leaders also disintegrated and went out to do business and work to make money.

After the Golden Jubilee Incident broke out, I led the students of the academy, and it was the first time that the academy was involved in a social movement. The Golden Jubilee Movement has been developing for about a year, so it was a bit of work during this year. Later, the Golden Jubilee Movement failed, and I reluctantly knew that nothing could be done. , in turn, the conservative tendencies of the academy raised its head again, and criticized me wildly, forcing my leader in this period of action to withdraw from the academy. After I left, Liang Yaozhong later assumed the main role of the academy.

In 1990, I went on hunger strike for the first time.

Let's start with the mouse. I have been afraid of rats since I was a child. A few days before I left Hong Kong for the last time, a rat walked into the house. Finally, that night in Hong Kong, a rat even bullied my door and climbed on my face. If I'm superstitious, it's a terrifying sign, and I've been bullying the rat generation for ten years since then. Entering Huaiji Prison, it turns out that there are rats too. Only then did I realize that cats and mice are a little bit different. When a cat sees a person, as long as the person shouts loudly, he will run away, and will not come back in the future. He is really afraid of people. The rat is different. If you drink loudly, he is not afraid at all, and it will become more and more outrageous, more and more. There is only one thing that rats are afraid of, and that is hitting. In Huaiji, I learned to hit rats and killed a few of them.

It is said that rats are also pervasive, so I simply sealed the toilet with mud, and used the feces as artificial fertilizer to grow vegetables in the courtyard. There was a cadre named Captain Gu, who was decent and honest. I ignored it all the time, and things got bigger, and I was sentenced to confinement. I said this was unreasonable, so I went on a hunger strike. After four days of hunger, I couldn't stand it any longer. I started to eat by myself, and I failed. Section Chief Wang saw that I was admitting defeat and pursued the attack on the basis of the victory, and asked me to write an inspection and admit my mistake. This time I lost my wife and lost my army, so I had to write it and sentenced me to three weeks of confinement. Maybe I always knew it was hard to beat my belly, so I used to be in awe of hunger strikes.

Another hunger strike was done by Wang Xizhe.

He had mixed with ordinary prisoners in Huaiji Prison, and he was quite familiar with it. One day, a prisoner he knew worked near his warehouse, so he happily threw two cucumbers to the prisoner. Who would have thought that the cadres thought it was a big deal for other prisoners of labor reform. The reason is that they imprisoned us in this special prison to completely isolate us and exchange vegetables and vegetables. Wouldn’t it be against the original purpose. Therefore, Political Commissar Wang personally took care of it and announced a three-month confinement, and this trip was real. The books were called sundries, and they were all taken away temporarily, leaving only a single quilt, plus four walls of depression. Wang Xizhe was naturally very dissatisfied with this and went on a hunger strike, but this time the Communist Party was very tough. After four days, according to Wang Xizhe, he simply forced him to eat and would never give in, so he had to sit in confinement for three months. Wang Xizhe thinks that the reason for such a big trouble this time is not because of melon, but because he offended Political Commissar Wang, and he will avenge his personal revenge when he has the opportunity.

At this time, the prison authorities seemed to intend to further strengthen the isolation, so they repaired the outer wall of the courtyard and raised it. From then on, even if we climbed up the window, we could not see other people, but only our own wall. The voice of "calling" is also thinner, which is more inconvenient than before.

This year, solitary confinement finally happened to me and Wang Xizhe, and we can see the negative consequences. When he has nothing to do, Wang Xizhe will suddenly scream, which is very scary. Later, I told him, don't call me that, to scare us, and because of this, I quarreled with him.

As a result, I saw nightmares. During the solitary confinement in the detention center, I found that I could force myself not to have nightmares by will, so I could sleep well. During the Mei prison period, it was fixed for Chen Shusheng. During the isolation period, I began to have nightmares. The details have been mentioned above. When I got to Huaiji, I had another nightmare, but the dream was different. This time, I dreamed that I was running away. There were some strange and deformed buildings on both sides. , I feel very uncomfortable mentally, and I am deeply troubled. Fortunately, I have always been open-minded and open-minded. Secondly, I have ideal support, good will, and thirdly, I have begun to cultivate my mind, so I can still support it, and I will not force the Communist Party to go crazy.

How to cultivate the mind? One is to practice calligraphy in addition to reading, copying Fu Lei's family book to practice calligraphy. The most impressive thing about Fu Lei's family letter is that he suffered the most physical and psychological damage during the anti-rightist movement in 1957. It was friends who betrayed each other. The other one is to train the body and relax the muscles and bones. In 1990, I was thirty-seven years old, and I was about forty, and my muscles and bones naturally collapsed. During the period of Meijian's fight against dendrobium, his health was good, but after being treated alone, his condition naturally deteriorated again. When I first arrived at this scary place in Huaiji, my spirit was not good, and my body was not very good, so I wanted to practice my body. So I started to practice loosening the tendons. At first I practiced almost all day, which was very hard. Later, I practiced for an hour every day. I found that the collapsed tendons could still be loosened. , not only good confidence, but also a great help to strong will.

In 1990, it was also the first time that I slapped a cadre. Here's the thing - it turns out that the prison bought twenty flower pots for each of us at public expense to grow flowers for us. One day, Captain Hou asked me to move out and plant flowers for the cadres. I said that these flower pots were bought for us, not yours. I would not move them. So they quarreled and were so intense that they greeted each other's relatives. At that time, he wanted to beat me, but he didn't dare, so he had to ask Wang Xizhe to come and move with him. From then on he saw me and looked at me, full of hatred. More than a month later, it was finally his turn to take me to the duty room to watch TV at night, and they quarreled again. He slapped me with his slippers. I immediately responded that I wanted to beat him, but I thought about it. , I can't stand it, I will definitely get an electric baton for this beating, it doesn't count. But I didn't give up. The next day I reported him for beating someone, because the more I thought about it after I returned to the warehouse, the more I felt ashamed and my head became hot. Maybe it was because the solitary confinement ban was extreme. I also asked Political Commissar Wang to deal with it personally, and he also I really deal with it myself, do my best and persuade me to stop making trouble. They knew that they would deal with this matter, so I just let it go. In fact, I asked the procuratorate to formally accuse Captain Hou of the report, but they also lost it and did not deal with it seriously.

Talking about cadres, let's talk about the two gluttonous cadres Fat Ma and Chen Ximei. The man named Fat Horse bought my tobacco and alcohol, and Chang and Chen Ximei let me watch TV. Once I saw him stealing my pork to eat, he also knew that I knew the truth, so he turned his face and wanted to take the opportunity to clean me up. I escaped the disaster safely.

This is Chen Ximei. She was originally an instructor of the medical team. She was working as a guard for us. There was basically no oil and water, and there were other problems. As far as I know, solitary confinement not only has a great impact on our victims, but also has an effect on them. Because The pressure is high, and the relationship between the cadres is also very poor, and even ignore it. This Chen Ximei was often bullied because of her weak personality, so she complained to me when she was free, so that I could understand. After a period of time, he couldn't figure it out, couldn't stand it, and suddenly even the figure disappeared. Prison officials didn't know it at first, thinking that he was looking for his wife after a holiday. His wife said that he had never seen a ghost and didn't know where he was going, so the cadres went out to find him. In the prison, there is one less cadre on duty, and the mobilization of natural chaos. It turned out that this Chen Ximei went back to her hometown in Hainan Island, and spent three or two months in her hometown without incident. She came back to resume her job after suffering no income. If you deserted like this, you will inevitably be reprimanded and taught a lesson when you come back, but you still have to let him guard us again.

In fact, prisons are originally abnormal places, and normal prison cadres can also become abnormal. Fat Horse told me the story of another cadre. This man bullied many people in prison, he was worried, and he often drank at home. When his wife saw him and told him to drink less, he became angry. In the middle of the night, he would get up and sharpen his knife, saying that he wanted to sharpen the knife so that he would kill his wife. She was so frightened that she screamed, and the other cadres in the dormitory knew about it. It can be seen that imprisoning others not only harms others, but also destroys oneself in the end.

Just sat and sat like this, and went through another year, entering the last year (1991). At this time, I still practiced compiling English every day. Sometimes I worked for ten hours in a row. In the courtyard, I also started to grow some melons and vegetables to eat, but He Qiuhe was not as devoted as Wang Xizhe.

In April, He Qiu expired and left. At this time, He Qiu changed a lot. He practiced qigong in bed all day long, talked about pseudoscience, and said that the future society is not capitalism or socialism, but alien culture. I don't even bother to listen to this idea.

One day this summer, we heard a newcomer coming, and they lived in the adjacent warehouse of Wang Xizhe, so we immediately contacted loudly, it turned out to be Luo Haixing. From Nanfang Daily, we already know the sentences of Luo Haixing, Li Longqing and Lai Peicheng, so we know who Luo Haixing is and what he did.

Luo Haixing lived in Huaiji for only about a month. During this period, the cadres were very attentive to him, which is also the result of "looking at money". Obviously, he was richer than Wang Xizhe and me. The night before leaving Huaiji, the high-ranking cadres in prison were like political commissar Wang and section chief Wang. , and also went to him specially, left his contact address, and hoped that he would take care of him in the future. The fact that the Communist Party cadres saw Qian opened their eyes was exposed.

After Luo Haixing was imprisoned, everyone was from Hong Kong, so I naturally learned about the situation in Hong Kong, the development of the pro-democracy movement, etc. from him. We also had political discussions.

Luo Haixing told me that he went to Beijing before June 4th, and believed that the movement was mainly caused by self-employed individuals and reform-through-labor inmates. I have no way to judge this because I am in prison, so I respect his opinion, but my analysis is that this is possible. Sex should not be great. Regarding the nature of the movement, I suggested that the leaders of the movement were petty bourgeoisie, which he appreciated. He suggested that the most important thing is to criticize Stalinism, and I completely agree. However, when I quoted Lenin saying that without the theory of revolution, there would be no revolutionary leadership, and therefore there would be no revolutionary movement. It's funny to think about it now.

Regarding the Mao Zedong issue, I used to think that Mao Zedong was complicated. If we look at it from this perspective and that perspective, now I think the core of the problem is that Mao Zedong was a big liar, deceiving the party, the people, the world, the world, and finally deceived Own. So he told Luo Haixing that Mao Zedong was a big liar, and he disagreed. He pointed out that this is a rightist formulation, and I am simplifying the problem.

After Luo Haixing left for more than a month, two new prisoners came. As usual, I asked them where they were sacred, but at first they were like mud bulls into the sea, and there was no response. Maybe Lai Peicheng and Li Longqing were scruples when they first entered the prison.

Soon, the prison will rebuild our special prison. It turned out that the prison originally had six rooms, four of which were connected by two units. Now a partition wall is built in the middle, and it has become ten rooms. But it's easier said than done, and it takes Zhou Zhang to do less. The one sent to work was a team from Huaiji's Infrastructure Squadron, more than ten or twenty people, led by a labor reform leader and assisted by a thug. Originally, it was clear that everyone was not allowed to communicate with them, but I was bold enough to ignore them, so I talked to them. As time went on, I got to know one of the guys named Nippon Boy.

It turned out that this infrastructure squadron, in addition to the supervision project, also did the external project. The Japanese boy said that in this impoverished mountainous area, it turned out that the villagers lived a hard life, often only having porridge and water, plus potato flour or sweet potatoes, it was a miserable meal. And these labor prisoners have better economic conditions than them, so they don't eat fat. When they go out to work, they provoke those country girls and give them fat to eat, and they get paid for it. Some labor reformers have the ability to please the cadres, and let them live alone in a hut outside the prison, growing vegetables and watching cattle. Some labor reformers hired country girls to cook cheaply, and some took the opportunity to have sex. There was a Hong Kong prisoner who stayed out of prison like this, married a country girl, and took him to Guangzhou to be his concubine when he was released from prison.

A few days before the Mid-autumn Festival, the prison was madly running around, saying that it was going to be built, and I, Wang Xizhe, Li Peicheng, and Li Longqing were transferred to one of the squadrons of Huai Prison to be imprisoned independently for ten days. During these ten days, we were eating dinner. Visible face-to-face conversation, more pleasant. Of course, I can talk about everything with them. Li and Li asked me to come out and do business together in the future. I said it was boring, and I didn't care. They also asked me if I had ever hired a prostitute, and I said that not all men have to hire a prostitute, but I have been to those 3739 brothels. It turns out that the Communist Party only loves to be mysterious and mysterious, and Huaiji Prison is Huaiji Prison, but instead it uses mailbox No. 3739. Zheng Yiwu said that he had called prostitutes, and also said that the address of the door was nonsense, which made us laugh.

During these ten days, two things happened with the cadres.

One is that the cadre Fanshawang, who is used to being powerful and good fortune, came to bully Li and Li, and bully their new arrivals. I couldn't see it, so I really scolded him. In the past, he was in a special prison, no one knew, but this time it was in a regular prison. It was the four walls with ears that caused him to lose all face and fled.

Another thing is that there is no water supply for three days. Generally, prisoners can go to the kitchen to fetch water. Because of our special status, we have no water to use, which is very hard. After the request failed, I took the lead in making trouble, hitting the plate to make noise, and they followed up, slamming the door, in short, making a lot of noise, so that the cadres had to give in in the end.

After these ten days, I have a better understanding of the situation of Lai Peicheng and Li Longqing. I know that their lives are difficult. Among them, Li Longqing is the worst. His wife has a six or seven-year-old child, and the financial pressure is very high. Those who have the means should actually think about how to help They have survived the difficult years.

Ten days later, when I returned to the warehouse, it turned out that a broadcast system was installed, with one speaker in the warehouse and one in the patio. Every day, the song is played loudly, not the mainland revolutionary song, but the Hong Kong love song, so loud as hell. Wang Xizhe was emotionally unstable because of the quarrel, and shouted and couldn't stand it! Because of this broadcast, we quarreled with the cadres many times, so we didn't turn it on so loudly. In fact, the next day, I climbed up to disassemble and cut the speaker wire, and found that there was a monitor and an eavesdropper hidden inside! There are so many small moves by the Communist Party. In addition, the broadcasting system emits high frequency, and even the wall has current induction, which is actually harmful to our health and the cadres.

In the last few months, it turned out to be the most difficult, but it can be said that the days are like years.

One night, Section Chief Wang said that he had prepared materials for release from prison. The above said that there was something wrong with my attitude towards reform. If I didn’t change it, I would have to stay in the field to work, that is, freedom in name, but in reality I have to stay in prison to work. This is the Communist Party. barbaric system. To frighten him like this, I thought to myself that I might not be able to leave this time. Thinking about it again, I have been sitting for ten years, and there is no reason to lose him, so I ignored him.

More than a month later, when they saw that I was not doing anything, they let Political Commissar Wang, Section Chief Wang and two other cadres step in and threaten me again, saying that if I didn't change my attitude, it would be a problem if I didn't get out, and all the consequences would be serious. It's up to me. I thought to myself that this was a big deal, but if I thought about how many years the Communist Party could do evil, I ignored him and didn't answer.

A few days later, they came to me again. This time, the cadres of the senior class added two other deputy prison directors. They said that if you don’t change, it will not be good for your request to leave. I said that I have served ten years in prison. Let me go, not what I asked for. They said that they should follow the policies, and they said that I could not tell me what the policies were. I got angry and said that you will do it according to your policy!

In a few days, the political commissar will come again on this day. At the beginning, I was like a wolf like a tiger, asking me to change my position and change my attitude, otherwise I will be responsible for all serious consequences. I declare that my thoughts are innocent, my position remains unchanged, and my principles cannot be compromised. At this time, Political Commissar Wang got excited and stood up, but knowing that I was stubborn, he had no choice but to soften up, saying that they did not say that they would not let me go, but only educated me, so that I would not say that they did not perform their duties in the future, and they would act in accordance with the law. The intimidation of me by the Communist Party was a complete failure! Later, some veteran cadres told me that they couldn't see the last threat from above, but they couldn't do anything about it. Another veteran cadre advised me to stop engaging in politics, politics is dark everywhere, and wished me a smooth journey.

At 9:00 am on December 26, 1991, I left Huaiji Prison. The sun was shining brightly that day. I looked back and said in my heart, Communist Party, your prison fortunately banned me for ten years, but you can't lock you into the historical destiny that you will perish!

(completed on February 15, 1992)

Appendix I Indictment


Guangzhou People's Procuratorate

(1082) Sui Jian Sui Zi No. 64

Defendant Liu Shanqing, male, 29 years old, native of Huizhou City, Guangdong Province, Han nationality, educated university, was a salesman of Hong Kong Jinbao Lun Electronic Originals Company, and lived in Kwun Tong XXXXX, Kowloon, Hong Kong. He was detained on December 27, 1981 for a counter-revolutionary case, and was arrested on January 5, 1982 with the approval of this court.

In the case of the defendant Liu Shanqing's counter-revolution, the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau has completed the investigation and transferred it to this court for review and prosecution on July 3, 1982. The procurator found that the defendant's criminal facts were as follows:

The defendant, Liu Shanqing, is an anti-China and anti-communist force in Hong Kong. From January 1980 to December 181, he sneaked into Guangzhou and Shanghai several times to deliver reactionary books and periodicals to counter-revolutionary elements such as He Qiu, Chen Erjin, and Fu Shenqi (all of whom have been sentenced in separate cases) and propagate counter-revolutionary ideas. Support and finance them to carry out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement in an attempt to overthrow the regime and the socialist system of the people's democratic dictatorship.

In January 1980, the defendant Liu Shanqing and the counter-revolutionaries agreed to strengthen ties and cooperate in actions at home and abroad. The defendant provided He Qiu with reactionary books such as "The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution" and "War News", and also collected illegal publications such as "People's Road" and "Free Talk" and brought them back to Hong Kong. In July of the same year, the defendant successively incited He Qiu and Chen Erjin, slandering the Chinese Communist Party as "not a real working-class political party, it has become corrupt and degenerate, and has created a bureaucratic class", and urged them to "... "Publishing a publication", and then clamored: to overthrow the regime of our people's democratic dictatorship by "mobilizing the workers to engage in democratic movements".

In July 1980, the defendants Liu Shanqing and He Qiu conspired to send people all over the country to link up illegal organizations, planned to hold the "National People's Press Congress" in Guangzhou, and actively supported and subsidized He Qiu to establish the "National People's Press Association of China". , trying to form a political force to cooperate with the anti-China and anti-communist forces to create counter-revolutionary public opinion.

In March 1981, the defendant Liu Shanqing provided He Qiu with RMB 120 yuan, HKD 400 yuan, as well as the name and address of a foreign journalist stationed in Beijing, instigating He Qiu to go to Beijing to carry out a counter-revolutionary convening of foreign journalists. At the reception, it was agreed that Liu Shanqing would cooperate in Hong Kong to create public opinion, resist and undermine the implementation of national laws.

In February 1981, the defendant Liu Shanqing sneaked into Shanghai and instigated the counter-revolutionary Fu Shenqi, saying: "I hope there will be an independent political force in China that will sing against the Central Committee", "You 'National People's Press Association' should be like the Polish trade union and the The party is on an equal footing", "China can only build socialism by learning from the Polish trade unions like Poland, and your democratic movement must develop in this direction", and subsidized one hundred yuan for Fu Shenqi to carry out counter-revolutionary propaganda activities and obtained illegal publications "Responsibility" brought back to Hong Kong.

The above facts have been thoroughly investigated by the public security organs and obtained a large amount of circumstantial evidence and witness testimony. However, the defendant was arrogant and counter-revolutionary, continued to promote reactionary speeches, and stubbornly resisted the education of the government.

This court believes that: Defendant Liu Shanqing is an anti-Chinese and anti-communist force in Hong Kong, who has sneaked into Guangzhou, Shanghai and other places for counter-revolutionary propaganda many times, colluded and supported and supported counter-revolutionary elements such as He Qiu, Fu Shenqi and others to carry out rampant counter-revolutionary activities, inciting the masses to resist and undermine national laws and decrees implement. Such conduct seriously endangers the political power and socialist system of our people's democratic dictatorship, violates the provisions of Article 102 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, and constitutes the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. In order to ensure the smooth progress of the "four modernizations" construction cause, a public prosecution is hereby filed, and your court is requested to punish the defendant Liu Shanqing according to law.


Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court of Guangdong Province

Prosecutor: Zhang Damou

August 25, 1982


1. Defendant Liu Shanqing is currently detained in the First Detention Center of Guangzhou Public Security Bureau;

2. There are three volumes of materials in this case file.


Appendix II Criminal Ruling


Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court of Guangdong Province

(82) Sui Fa Xing Zi No. 77

Prosecutor: Zhang Damou, Prosecutor of Guangzhou People's Procuratorate

Defendant: Liu Shanqing, male, 30 years old, originally from Huizhou City, Guangdong Province, Han nationality, educated at a university, originally from Kowloon, Hong Kong. The arrest was approved by the Qinzhou City People's Procuratorate on January 5, 1982 for a counter-revolutionary case. now. Defender: Guangzhou City Legal Counsel Office, Guangzhou City People's Procuratorate, filed a public prosecution with this court on August 28, 1982 with Liu Shanqing's counter-revolutionary tea. This court formed a collegial panel according to law and held a public hearing on February 7, 1977. It heard the public prosecutor's statement in support of the public prosecution, interrogated the defendant, heard the defendant's confession, defense and final statement, and heard the defense's defense opinions. , verifying evidence directly related to the award. This court confirms that the defendant, Liu Shanyu, is an anti-China and anti-communist element. From the beginning of 1980 to the end of 1981, he repeatedly entered Guangzhou, Shanghai and other places from Hong Kong in the name of tourism. The Tragedy of the Revolution", "War News", etc. were passed on to the counter-revolutionaries "He Qiu, Chen Erjin, Fu Shenqi (all have been dealt with separately) and others, and they carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, slandering and slandering the Chinese Communist Party as not a real working-class party. , has become corrupt and degenerate, and has created a bureaucratic class", "I hope there will be an independent political force in China... The three-stop itinerary will be handed over to Liu Shan, Yanting Ciqiu and other counter-revolutionaries in the "Should be organized" and "democratic movement" sub-issue , to carry out counter-revolutionary organizational activities, the defendant and He Qiu conspired and funded He Qiu to send people to various places in series, planning to hold the "National People's Press Congress, and the establishment of an illegal organization called the "China National People's Press Association", when the defendant learned that When He Qiu and others were going to go to Beijing and other places to carry out counter-revolutionary activities, they immediately subsidized the funds of HK$400 and RMB120. Openly create counter-revolutionary public opinion. The defendant also agreed with He Qiu that the defendant Hong Kong would cooperate to create public opinion. "The defendant also financed counter-revolutionary Fu Shenqi to publish illegal publications, and smuggled out of the country the illegal publications "Responsibility", "People's Road", etc. that he had collected. The above facts are clear and the evidence is conclusive. This court believes that the defendant, Liu Shan, led by counter-revolutionaries, colluded with counter-revolutionaries such as He Qiu, viciously attacked our country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda, and resisted The implementation of the laws and decrees of the worse country and the attempt to overthrow the people's democratic regime and the socialist system have constituted the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda. According to the behavior, nature, circumstances and degree of harm of the defendant's crime, in accordance with Articles 90, 102 and 52 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China and Article 30 of the Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China According to Article 5, the sentence is as follows: Defendant Liu Shanqing shall be sentenced to 10 years in prison and deprived of political rights for 3 years (the sentence shall be calculated from the date of execution of the judgment, and if he is detained before the execution of the judgment, one day of detention shall be converted into one day of imprisonment), ** *.... If you are not satisfied with this judgment, you may file an appeal with this court within 10 days from the day following the receipt of the judgment and pay this appeal to the Higher People's Court of Guangdong Province.

February 7, 1983

Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court Trial Division No. 1

Presiding Judge Zhang Rui

People's Assessor Xu Xiaomo

People's Assessor Yang Kangmei

February 11, 1983

This document is the same as the original.

Clerk Wang Baoguo


Appendix III Appeal


Guangdong Higher People's Court Criminal


(88) Yue Fa Xing Shang Zi No. 37

The appellant (the defendant in the first instance) Liu Shanqing, male, 30 years old, Han nationality, from Huizhou City, Guangdong Province, originally lived in XXXXX, Kowloon, Hong Kong. The appellant, Liu Shanqing, was sentenced to 10 years in prison and deprived of political rights for 3 years by the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court on February 11, 1983 with the Criminal Judgment (88) Sui Xing Zi No. 77. The appellant refused to accept the judgment and appealed to this court. This court formed a collegial panel in accordance with the law to hear the case. Now find out:

The appellant, Liu Shanqing, was an anti-Chinese and anti-communist element. From the beginning of 1980 to the end of 1981, he smuggled reactionary books such as "The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution" and "War News" into Guangzhou, Shanghai, etc. under the pretext of traveling. It was passed on to the counter-revolutionaries Keqiu, Chen Erpu, Fu Shenqi (all of which have been dealt with separately), etc., and counter-revolutionary propaganda was carried out to them, slandering and slandering the Chinese Communist Party "has become corrupt and degenerate, and has created a bureaucratic class", delusional "there is an independent China in China." political forces”, inciting the counter-revolutionaries He Qiu and others to “organize”, “engage in democratic movements”, “run publications”, and conduct counter-revolutionary organizational activities. The illegal organization of the National People's Daily of China. When they learned that the counter-revolutionaries Keqiu and others were going to Beijing and other places to carry out counter-revolutionary chain activities, they funded the activities of HKD 400 and RMB 120, and provided funds for the Beijing-based station in Beijing. The list of certain foreign journalists, referring to He Qiu holding a press conference after arriving in Beijing in an attempt to create public opinion. At the same time, he also funded counter-revolutionary Fu Shenqi to publish illegal publications, and collected "Responsibility", "People's Road", etc. Illegal publications are smuggled out of the country.

The above facts are clear and the evidence is solid and sufficient.

This court holds that: Appellant Liu Shanshou, for the purpose of revolution, rampantly carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, slandered and slandered the socialism of the Communist Party of China, and colluded and supported the counter-revolutionaries He Qiu, Fu Shenqi and others, planned to set up an illegal organization, published Illegal publications, creating counter-revolutionary public opinion, and overthrowing the people's democratic dictatorship. His actions constituted the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. The original verdict was based on the correct application of the law, the sentencing was appropriate, and the litigation procedure was legal. Therefore, in accordance with the provisions of Articles 90 and 102 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, the ruling is as follows:

The appeal was dismissed and the original judgment was upheld.

This ruling is final.

March 15, 1983

The First Division of Criminal Trial of Guangdong High People's Court

Presiding Judge Guo Pinduan

Judge Lu Kaiyang

Acting Judge Zhao Jun

This document is the same as the original proofreading

March 18, 1983

Clerk Zheng Xiaorong


Appendix 4 The first official document confirming Liu Shanqing's arrest


Law Wing Sang, Student Union of The Chinese University of Hong Kong:

I recently received a letter from you that was forwarded by the relevant department. Regarding the questions raised in the letter regarding the Liu Shanqing case, the reply is as follows:

1. Liu Shanqing was prosecuted by the Guangzhou City Procuratorate for the crime of counter-revolution. After the court accepted the case, a collegial panel was formed in accordance with the law, and a public trial was held on February 7, 1983. After the trial, it was found that: the defendant For the purpose of counter-revolution, Liu Shanqing colluded with He and other counter-revolutionaries, viciously attacked our country's socialist system and the people's democratic dictatorship, and carried out counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement. Resisting and sabotaging the implementation of state laws and decrees, trying to push the people's democratic regime and the socialist system: the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and mobilization has been constituted, the facts are clear, and the evidence is conclusive. According to Article 9, Article 102 and Article 52 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, the defendant Liu Shanqing was sentenced to ten years in prison and deprived of political rights for three years. The appeal was appealed, and the second instance of the Guangdong Higher People's Court was final: the appeal was dismissed and the original judgment was upheld.

2. Liu Shanqing's interviews and communications during detention and serving time will be handled by the detention center and the labor reform department in accordance with regulations. It is reported that Liu Shanqing's mother had met Liu Shanqing in prison.

3. The investigation, prosecution and trial of Liu Shanqing's counter-revolutionary case were all conducted in accordance with my country's Criminal Law and Criminal Procedure Law, which ensured the legal rights of the defendant.

this over,

Reception by Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court, etc.

June 10, 1983